Trail of Tears National Historic Trail

The Forced Relocation of the Cherokee Nation

Trail of Tears Historic Trail
The Trail of Tears National Historic Trail commemorates the removal in 1838 of the Cherokee Nation and the paths that 17 Cherokee detachments followed westward (plus members of the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, and Seminole tribes from its ancestral homeland in parts of North Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, and Alabama to land set aside for American Indians in what is now the state of Oklahoma. Roughly 100,000 Indians were forcibly removed from tribal lands. The picture shown here was taken in Tennessee.

The Cherokee’s journey by water and land was over a thousand miles long, The impact to the Cherokee was devastating. Hundreds died during their trip west, and thousands more perished from the consequences of relocation. This chapter in American and Cherokee history became known as the Trail of Tears, and culminated the implementation of the Indian Removal Act of 1830, which mandated the removal of all American Indian tribes east of the Mississippi River to lands in the West.

Today the trail encompasses about 2,200 miles of land and water routes, and traverses portions of nine states.

The National Park Service, in partnership with other federal agencies, state and local agencies, non-profit organizations, and private landowners, administers the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail. Participating national historic trail sites display the official trail logo.

The Trail of Tears Association is a major partner with the National Park Service dedicated to the preservation, public awareness, and appreciation of the Trail of Tears.

 

 

 

 

St. Joseph of the Lake Church & Cemetery

 

St. Joseph of the Lake Church is located on the Menominee Reservation in Wisconsin. It has played an important role in the continuation of Menominee traditions and was the community center for the South Branch Menominee. Catholic missionaries established a presence in this area by the last quarter of the 19th century. By 1888, the mission served 80 Menominee families and 12 European-American families from nearby towns.

Construction on the Church began in 1891, replacing an earlier building. Resources to build the church was provided by the South Branch Menominee, as was much of the construction work. The church was dedicated on June 17, 1893, while the cemetery (for Catholics) and burial ground (for non-Catholics) were established earlier around 1876. Bi-monthly services were conducted for many years, and services are still held here regularly.

The church also became a place for the preservation and continuation of traditional Menominee customs. The languages and ceremonies of many American Indian groups were lost as a result of their prohibition by governmental supervision on reservations. Menominee language and ceremonies were prohibited by the Superintendent of the Menominee reservation, specifically in the community of Keshena, where he lived. As Keshena was sixteen miles away from the South Branch community, this may have increased the number of traditional ceremonies held at St. Joseph of the Lake. The church then became the location for the South Branch Menominees’ pow-wows, dances to heal the sick and dying, wakes and funeral suppers, bean feasts and ghost suppers.

Wake singers were noted for singing in the Menominee language. Bean feasts are a blend of Catholic and Menominee customs, held annually on Three Kings Day (January 6). Wild game is served at a large communal feast, and a cake is shared in which one bean is embedded; the person who receives the slice containing the bean supports the feast the following year.

Ghost suppers were held the first year after a death, and were marked by a feast and prayers by the family to bring back the spirit of the dead.

American Indian Museums

Locations in the United States & Canada

Here is a sampling of Native American Museums in the United States and Canada.  Please also check your local telephone directories for additional information and sources.  Canadian links are at the bottom of this list.

ALASKA
ARIZONA
Sherman Indian Museum – Riverside
Southwest Museum – Los Angeles

COLORADO
 
CONNECTICUT

Connecticut Archaeology Center
Mashantucket Pequot Museum and Research Center – Mashantucket

 
FLORIDA
Ah-Tah-Thi-Ki Museum (Seminole Tribe) – Clewiston
Florida Museum of Natural History
– Gainesville

 

GRORGIA
Chieftains Museum – Rome

 
HAWAII

Bishop Museum – Honolulu
Polynesian Cultural Center – Honolulu

 
ILLINOIS
Dickson Mounds Museum – Lewistown
 
INDIANA
 
KANSAS
 
KENTUCKY
Museum of Anthropology – Highland Heights
 
MAINE
Abbe Museum – Bar Harbor
The Ancient Dominions of Maine – The Ancient Dominions of Maine
Hudson Museum – Orono
Penobscot Nation Museum – Old Town
 
MASSACHUSETTS
 

MINNESOTA
Little Feather Interpretative Indian Center – Pipestone
Mille Lacs Indian Museum – Mille Lacs

MONTANA
People’s Center Museum – Pablo

NEVADA
Dept. of Cultural Affairs  – Carson City
Lost City Museum  – Overton
Nevada Historical Society – Reno
Stewart Indian Museum – Carson City

NEW HAMPSHIRE
Mount Kearsarge Indian Museum – Warner

NEW MEXICO
Guide to Native American Museums of New Mexico
Maxwell Anthropology Museum at the University of New Mexico – Albuquerque
Millicent Rogers Museum – Taos
Museum of Indian Arts and Culture – Santa Fe
Poeh Center – Pojoaque Pueblo
Roswell Museum & Art Center – Roswell
The Portal at Palace of Governors – Santa Fe
Museum of New Mexico
Wheelwright Museum of the American Indian – Santa Fe

NEW YORK
Akwesasne Cultural Center – Akwesasne
American Craft Museum – New York City
Iroquois Indian Museum – Howes Cave
New York State Historical Association – Cooperstown
Seneca-Iroquois National Museum – Salamance
Shinnecock Nation Cultural Center & Museum – Southampton

NORTH CAROLINA
Frisco Native American Museum & Natural History Center – Hatteras Island
Museum of the Cherokee Indian – Cherokee
Rankin Museum of American & Natural History – Ellerbe
The Museum of the Native American Resource Center – Pembroke

NORTH DAKOTA
Fort Mandan – Washburn

OKLAHOMA

Ataloa Lodge Museum – Muscogee
Cherokee Heritage Center – Tahlequah
Cherokee National Museum – Tahlequah
Cherokee Strip Museum – Perry
Five Civilized Tribes Museum – Muscogee
Indian City USA – Anadarko
Museum of the Red River – Idabel
Osage Tribal Museum – Pawhuska
Red Earth Museum – Oklahoma City
Southern Plains Indian Museum and Crafts Center – Anadarko
Woolaroc Museum & Nature Preserve – Bartlesville

OREGON
High Desert Museum – Bend
Oregon State Archives
Tamástslikt Cultural Institute – Pendleton
The Museum at Warm Springs – Warm Springs

PENNSYLVANIA
American Indians and the Natural World – Pittsburgh
Lenni Lenape Historical Society/Museum of Indian Culture – Allentown
Pocono Indian Museum – Bushkill

RHODE ISLAND
Haffenreffer Museum of Anthropology – Providence

SOUTH DAKOTA

Akta Lakota Museum & Cultural Center – Chamberla
Sioux Indian Museum – Rapid City
Wounded Knee – Wall

WYOMING
Buffalo Bill Historical Center – Cody

CANADA
Canadian Canoe Museum – Peterborough, ON
Canadian Museum of Civilization – Gatineau, QU
Museum at Campbell River – Campbell River, BC
Museum of Anthropology – Vancouver, BC
Museum of Archaeology & Ethnology – Burnaby Mountain, B.C.
Nova Scotia Museum
Prince of Wales Northern Heritage Centre – Yellowknife, NWT
Provincial Museum of Newfoundland & Labrador – St. John’s, NF
Royal Alberta Museum – Edmonton, AB
Royal British Columbia Museum – Victoria, BC
Royal Ontario Museum – Toronto, ON
Secwepemc Museum & Native Heritage Park – Kamloops, BC
Winnipeg Art Gallery – Winnepeg, MB
Woodland Cultural Center Museum – Brantford, ON

 

Washita Battleground Site

Washita Indian Battleground, Oklahoma

Washita Battleground Site

 

It was at Washita in 1868 that General George Armstong Custer of the U.S. Cavalry first raised the ire of the Plains people.

Four years earlier, Black Kettle had complied with a request to lay down arms but was turned away from the confines of the fort at which he surrendered because there was not enough food to feed the Cheyenne.

They were told they could return to their camp on the banks of Sand Creek in Colorado. There, Major John Chivington, had been told the camp at Sand Creek was hostile.   Arapaho not passive Cheyenne, attacked Black Kettle and his band killing hundreds of men, women and children.

Black KettleAgain at Washita, Black Kettle and his band of Cheyenne were camped in peace, when a dawn raid by Custer and his Seventh Cavalry took them by surprise.

An all-day battle raged.   Reinforcements arrived from other tribes camped along the Washita River. By the time Custer withdrew and ordered the village burned to the ground, casualties were high on both sides and included Black Kettle.

Major E.W. Wynkoop, former commander at Fort Lyons, Colorado, insisted that Black Kettle had complied with army terms for peace years before and was mistakenly targeted again. The complaints of Wynkoop were ignored, however, in favor of boosting Custer’s image of an extraordinary Indian fighter.

The Washita battlefield is located just west of Cheyenne, on Oklahoma 47A 25 miles north of Interstate 40.

The Black Kettle museum is located nearby in the town of Cheyenne, Oklahoma at the junction of Highway 283 and Oklahoma 47. The museum is open Tuesday through Saturday from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. and from 1 to 5 p.m. on Sunday.

Telephone for both sites – 405. 4967.3929.

Pipestone National Monument, Minnesota

Pipestone National Monument

There is no issue in referring to the pipe of most all Indian tribes as being a pivotal sacred object. The pipe provided a meaning and order to the rituals of life. Most famous of all was the T-shaped pipe, or “calumet,” smoked at the signing of peace treaties until it became known by whites as “the peace pipe.”

Ritual pipes were and are stored in sacred bundles and are part of many of the creation stories that describe and explain the origins of many tribes. Pipes are integral parts of ceremony – from making peace to declaring war, guaranteeing the hunt, promoting good trade or practicing medicine.

Virtually all the pipe bowls of all North American Indian tribes are made of the red stone mined at Pipestone, Minnesota. It is believed mining of the area began in the 17th century, and that hunks of the stone or finished pipe bowls were carried across the country by Plains tribes to places like Pecos, New Mexico, where they traded with the Southwestern tribes.

While many legends tell of the origin of the soft, red pipestone fields, one tells of two young warriors came across a beautiful young woman dressed all in white standing in a field of tall grass. One of the young warriors lusted after her and wanted to make her his own. The other young man thought there was something sacred about the young woman and said he would defend her if need be, even against his friend. The beautiful young woman cried tears of blood that turned to stone as they hit the earth before she changed into a white buffalo and disappeared. She was White Buffalo Calf Woman, believed by some to be the mother of all the People.

Pipestone FallsThe area of pipestone fields has always been in control of some band of the Lakota (Sioux), who managed distribution of the stone to other tribes. The Yankton band had control of the area when Minnesota became a state in 1858, and managed to maintain control of the control. However, as with most agreements made between Indians and white settlers, the agreements weren’t adhered to. With the Yankton Lakotas off on a reservation in South Dakota, they were powerless to stop white settlers from encroaching on the Indian land to quarry the red stone for the construction of buildings in the nearby town of Pipestone.

In 1928, fearing the resource would be used up by whites, the Yankton agreed to cede their claim on the land to the federal government. It took another nine years for the Pipestone National Monument to be dedicated, but once it was it became against the law for anyone other than Indians to quarry the area.

A loop of trails lead through the mining areas. Actually mining can be seen during the summer and fall, when water table levels are lowest and the mining is easiest. In the visitor center Native pipemakers give demonstrations of the ages-old techniques and educational information is available for viewing. Pipes and other pipestone carvings are for sale also.

Pipestone National Monument is open daily from 8 a.m. until 5 p.m. It is located in the southwest corner of Minnesota, off Interstate 90 on Highway 75 north of the town of Pipestone.

Pipestone National Monument – 507.825.5463.

Oconluftee Village

Oconaluftee Indian Village, North Carolina

Oconluftee Village

 

Oconaluftee in North Carolina is a recreation of an 18th-century Cherokee village.   It is one of the country’s best American Indian living history museums.

With an eye toward authenticity, actual members of the Eastern Cherokee Nation inhabit the village, offering demonstrations of crafts and life in general.

Visits to several traditional dwellings allow visitors a look at day-to-day items used for generations among the Cherokee.

A replica of a seven-sided council house can be visited, to see how “government” worked. An extensive and authentic herb garden is on the grounds as well. Tours are available.

Oconaluftee is located about two miles north of Cherokee, North Carolina on Highway 441. Hours are 9 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. from mid-May through October.

Oconaluftee Village – 704.497.2315.

Navajo Nation Council Chamber, Arizona

Navajo Nation Council Chamber
Located in Window Rock, Arizona, the Navajo Nation Council Chamber, is the single-most significant building in the United States symbolizing the New Deal revolution in federal Indian policy, a declaration of economic and cultural self-determination as afforded to American Indians by the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934.

The act sought to replace old policies of detribalization with new policies that advocated the reconstitution of tribal organization, the restoration of a tribal land base and the promotion of traditional Indian culture.

In design and decoration, the Council Chamber was to assert recognition of the unique Navajo cultural contribution to mainstream America, as well as to stimulate pride among Navajos in their own heritage. It was the centerpiece of an ambitious Public Works Administration (PWA) construction program aimed at improving the quality of life on Indian reservations across the country.

Its rustic architectural style was designed to harmonize with its spectacular natural surroundings. Built from 1934 to 1935, the chamber’s octagon shape and structural framework are meant to evoke a giant hogan, the traditional building style of the Navajo. It also incorporates the Navajo ceremonial features of an east-facing main entrance and a windowless north wall.

Today it is the spiritual home of the Navajo political process, embodying the development, growth, and maturity of the Navajo government since it first began using the building in 1936. The Council Chamber is the only legislative headquarters in the United States owned by a American Indian tribe which has been continuously in use by that tribe and whose design incorporates indigenous materials and architectural traditions. The Navajo Nation Council Chamber was designated a National Historic Landmark on June 16, 2004.

Medicine Wheel Memorial Site, Wyoming

Medicine Wheel Site

 

The Medicine Wheel Memorial Site in the Bighorn National Forest of Wyoming is a stone circle 245 feet around and 75 feet across.

The huge circle has been there longer than any memory of any of the ancestors of any of the Plains tribes. The Crow have always known where it is, however, and anthropological evidence in the surrounding area indicates tracks made by hundreds of “travois” (a sled bearing belongings dragged by people, dogs or later, horses) means the site was visited often, most likely as a pilgrimage.

The wheel has 28 “spokes” radiating from a central stone pile. The spokes might represent the lunar month. Six of the spokes extend beyond the circle and at the end of these spokes are conical heaps of stones that might have been used as shelters.

Like Stonehenge in England, it is widely believed that The Medicine Wheel was connected to celestial observations but the exact ways have been long lost.

You can visit The Medicine Wheel from dawn until dusk from June through September. It is located at the 10,000-foot level of Medicine Mountain near the western border of the Bighorn National Forest, off Highway 14A.

Bighorn National Forest – 307.672.0751

Hovenweep National Monument, Utah/Colorado

Hovenweek National Monument

 

Hovenweep is a Ute word meaning “deserted valley,” an apt name for these mesas and canyons north of the San Juan River. Here lies evidence of a once vast “neighborhood” of Ancient Puebloan Culture (the term anthropologists have chosen to replace the politically-incorrect “Anasazi”), one of many in the Four Corners area of Arizona, Utah, New Mexico and Colorado. In fact, Hovenweep ruins are situated in both Utah and Colorado.

Though no one can ever know for sure, a popular theory puts forward the idea that severe droughts in the 10th and 11th centuries challenged the Ancient Puebloans ability to survive in the area. Other theories say it was war between tribes that forced the APCs to the south forever.

While the area today looks quite dry and desolate, the ruins of multifamily dwellings and lookout towers clearly indicate a once thriving community of farmers and hunter/gatherers. Hovenweep is made up of six groups of ruins comprised of square, oval, circular and D-shaped structures: the Square Tower Ruins, best-reserved and most impressive of the Utah ruins; Cajon Ruins in Utah; and Holly Ruins, Hackberry Canyon, Cutthroat Castle and Goodman Point Ruins located in the same area, but in Colorado.

Square Tower, home to the monument’s headquarters, is relatively easy to locate but the remaining ruins will take some effort. A year-round ranger station and campground located at Square Tower provides directions to the other sites.

Hovenweep can be reached from two entrance points in Colorado: the Pleasant View turnoff 18 miles north of Cortez on Highway 191; or the McElmo Canyon Road off Highway 160 west of Cortez. To approach from Utah exit Highway 163 onto SR 262, a cutoff located about midway between the towns of Blanding and Bluff, follow the road 14 miles to the Hatch Trading Post and then continue on 16 miles more to Square Tower. Be advised that all roads leading to Hovenweep are dirt roads, and bad weather can leave them muddy and impassable. Please call ahead.

Hovenweep National Monument – 970.529.4461

Native American Pottery Crafts

Native American Pottery
The Old
– Three ancient tribes lay the foundation for the Indian pottery created today.

As far back as B.C. 300, the Hohokam (HO-ho-kawm) people who populated what is now southern Arizona were learning pottery skills from Mexican potters to the south. Many pieces of the red-on-gray or red-on-beige pottery with geometric designs has been found on Hohokam archeological sites.

The descendents of the Hohokam – the Pima (PEE-ma) and Tohono O’Odham (TO-na O TA-hm) – aren’t known for the fine pottery of their ancestors, however. Both Pima and Tohono O’Odham people are known as master basket makers.

The ancient Mogollon (MUGGY-own) lived in the higher areas along the Arizona/New Mexico border, and the pottery of these people included brown and red ware with geometric designs to red-on-white and black-on-white pieces bearing images of fish, deer, birds, insects and rabbits. Eventually the Mogollon drifted north toward the lands of the Ancient Puebloan Culture (formerly referred to as the Anasazi) and were assimilated into other groups.

The Ancient Pueblo Culture people of northern New Mexico, southwestern Colorado and southeastern Utah began as basket makers and evolved into potters around the 5th century AD. The rough and thoroughly original early examples of these pots unearthed in recent times suggest these potters were self-taught and not influenced by the techniques of either the Hohokam or Mogollon. Over the years the potters produced pieces of black-on-white, white ware and polychrome.

While pottery from Old World Europe was created with the use of a wheel, kiln and glazes, Indian pottery of old was baked in fires in the earth and covered with rich clay slips rather than glazes.

The New – The Four Corners region of the United States and the pueblos of New Mexico offer the most abundant sources of American Indian pottery today. Much of it still reflect the ancient pieces of the Hohokam, Mogollon and Ancient Pueblo Culture, in tribute to the mothers, aunts and grandmothers who were not only artists, but teachers. The pottery of Jemez Pueblo potters today uses the ancient techniques of the Pecos Pueblo and old Mimbreno designs are found in many pieces of contemporary Acoma Pueblo pottery. It is fairly obvious that the potters of today realize what they create will be part of the history of Indian pottery tomorrow.

Much of today’s pottery is made the same way it has been for generations: the clay is dug from the earth; dried on sheets of tin; soaked in a tub for two to four days; broken down in the water to a soupy mixture; and strained on a large screen, keeping only what passes through the screen. Water is then added to the sifted clay until it reaches the consistency of a milk shake. The “tempering sand” or “tuff” is a very important part of the pottery too, with some potters traveling 100 miles or more to find just what they are looking for. The tuff is passed through a sieve until it reaches a state of fine powder. The clay and the tuff are then mixed until the desired texture for a piece is reached. In anticipation of the high tourist season, many potters will prepare clay for many pieces at a time.

Pots are then formed on a lap board or table, many using natural old shaping tools and spoons made from gourds or shell. Most pieces are then pit fired in the earth in manure-smothered fires. The end result of the firing is always a surprise.

Styles of Indian Pottery
:

Taos and Picuris Pueblos

The Taos (TAH-ohs) and Picuris (Pee-CUR-is) pueblos of Northern New Mexico are famous for their micaceous, unpainted pottery. Though very simple in design, the mica in the clay makes the pieces appear to shimmer. Taos produces plain pots that appear golden in color with no design or a single design. Picuris pots are generally brown or reddish orange in color. Shapes vary.

Tewa Pueblos

  • San Juan – The potters of the San Juan Pueblo combine old and new pottery styles. Many feature a middle band placed on a polished red rim copied from sherds of ancient pots. A slip of micacecous clay makes it shimmer. Some pots are the reverse, with the middle band being plain and unpolished sandwiched between reds with polychrome designs. Shapes vary.
  • Santa Clara – It is said that long ago, during a tremendous drought, the people were dying of thirst when a bear appeared and led them to water. To honor that bear the Santa Clara potters place his paw print on their pots along with other symbols and designs such as: the water serpent to reflect water sources such as streams and rain; the kiva steps to represent the ceremonial pit; feathers as respect for the birds; rain and rainbows for the strong winds that bring storms. Santa Clara potters create in earth tones of yellow, beige, red, white, gray and matte black on high polished blackware. Blackware was created by the Santa Clara and San Ildefonso potters more than 300 years ago. The earth firing gives it the high-polished jet black finish. Shapes vary, but many double-spouted “wedding vases” come from Santa Clara. Pottery is pivotal to the economic and social structure of the pueblo.
  • San Ildefonso – Maria Martinez of San Ildefonso Pueblo is perhaps the most famous of all Indian potters. She was a teacher as well, offering to share her gifts with many who wished to study. Her matte black designs painted on high-gloss black pottery are legendary. The water serpent, an image to honor rain and thanksgiving for water given to dry lands, is a San Ildefonso trademark. Sgraffito, two-tone red, polychrome, carved pottery, matte black, and red and blackware are all created by San Ildefonso potters. Shapes vary.
  • Nambe and Pojoaque – Although pottery for art and function died out among the Nambe (Nam-BAY) at the turn of the 20th century, around 1980 a few new potters moved from Nambe to Pojoaque (Po-WAH-key) and began generating collectable figures like the storytellers of Cochiti Pueblo, wedding vases and small jars.
  • Tesuque – The people of Tesuque Pueblo today create largely for the tourist trade, creating storytellers in bright colors, “rain gods” and polychrome vessels.

Middle Rio Grande Pueblos

  • Cochiti – The Cochiti Pueblo is home to more than 200 potters, and of the 200 at least one quarter produce pottery figures, most prominently the storyteller. Helen Cordero made the very first storyteller in 1964 in memory of her grandfather who would gather the children around him and tell stories. Other figures include images such as a turtle taking children for a ride upon its back.
  • Santo Domingo – Birds, flowers and simple, bold geometrics are favored by the potters of Santo Domingo. Here religious rules prohibit the depiction of human figures or any sacred designs on pottery that is intended for sale. While the Zia potters produce birds in motion, the Santo Domingo artists portray birds in repose. Shapes vary.
  • Zia – The potters of Zia Pueblo are unique in that they are the only ones who temper their clay with the volcanic basalt rock to make a very hard pot that is then stone polished and painted with black. Typical of Zia designs are feathers, prayer sticks, spiderwebs, clouds, lightning and birds. It is a bird similar in appearance to a roadrunner, that is the Zia pottery hallmark. The state symbol of New Mexico is a stylized image of the sun that was taken from an old Zia ceremonial pot. The symbol is often simply referred to as a “Zia.”
  • Jemez – Jemez produces a lot of pottery for the tourist trade, and its soft colors appeal to many. Often the designs depict the link between the ancient Pecos people and the Jemez. Designs are painted on red clay pots with lead-based paint that melts to a shiny glaze after firing. Jars, bowls and figures, including nativity scenes, are most common.

Acoma/Laguna/Isleta Pueblos

  • Acoma – The Acoma, too, create largely for the tourist trade. Acoma clay is dark, nearly as dense as shale, and must be pulverized into a fine powder before being mixed with temper. The pots are known for their thin, hard-fired walls, stone polish and elaborate paint. Parrots appear frequently on Acoma pottery, symbols of the sun, south or great ancestors.
  • Other Mimbres-style (Mimbres being people who lived in southwestern New Mexico AD 950-1150) designs such as lizards, insects and animals have become synonymous with Acoma pottery.
  • Laguna and Isleta – Before 1830 the pottery of the Laguna resembled that of the Acoma, but today’s style of white-slipped polychrome adorned with bold paint in simple design was created after that time. Gladys Paquin and Stella Teller are two famous Laguna potters.

Pottery Purchasing Guide:

The deep and true value of a pot fashioned by an American Indian potter is the time, effort, energy and relationship to offered to that pot by its creator. When choosing pottery for purchase, here are a few things to look for:

  • The inside and outside of the pot should be smooth, even and balanced with no pits, lumps or bubbles.
  • Designs should be symmetrical and well spaced, with all large areas filled in and covered completely.
  • Carvings into the pottery should be the same depth throughout.
  • Black smudges should not appear on redware and beige spots should not appear on blackware.
  • A signature does not necessarily indicate high quality as some of the best potters choose not to sign their work.

Prices can range from $10 to thousands. Often a tiny piece can be high in price because of the difficulty in working very small is greater than a “regular” size piece. Like any investment, it’s best to look at a lot before selecting.

American Indian Gems & Jewels

Amber: Legend says that long ago, pieces of the sun broke off as it set into the ocean. When they cooled, they formed chunks of Amber, “The Gold of the Sea”. It is actually the fossilized resin from a species of extinct pine tree.

The Greek name for Amber was a word meaning “electron.” This stone has the ability to produce a charge of negative electrons and to attract light particles to it when rubbed. This pyrolectric property, which causes Amber to generate heat quickly and effectively, may be a factor in its medicinal use. Amber is said to be effective in relieving sore throats and minor infections.

Amethyst: Amethyst is the most beautiful and valuable form of quartz. The word Amethyst stems from a Greek word meaning “without drunkenness,” for in ancient times it was believed that anyone carrying or wearing this stone could not become intoxicated. Perhaps the Greeks were aware of the soothing effect of its rich, purple color, for they believed it had the ability to help control the temperament.

The 7th stone which the sage Iachus gave to Appolonius, Amethyst represented piety and dignity. The early Rosicrucians saw the stone as an emblem of divine sacrifice, since the color was considered a sign of suffering, passion and hope.

The legend of Amethyst is the source of many of the healing qualities which have come to be identified with the stone. The story goes like this. The god Bacchus had been particularly offended one day due to a lack of consideration which he felt he deserved. To appease his anger, he was determined to kill, by means of his tigers, the first person he met. The unfortunate one was Amethyst, a beautiful young maiden who, as fate would have it, crossed his path on her way to worship the goddess Diana at the temple. As the tigers sprang upon her, she pleaded for protection from Diana, who transformed her into a pure, clear stone. Witnessing this miracle and repenting of his crime, Bacchus sought to soothe Amethyst by pouring the juice of the grape over her, bestowing on her a lovely purple hue.

Amethyst is often referred to as the “Bishop’s Stone” because a ring set with this gem is still worn today by the Bishops of the Catholic Church, symbolizing their moral victory over worldly passions.

Coral: According to Plato, children who wear coral about the neck will be protected from disease. This interesting custom persisted throughout the Middle Ages. Coral is really the skeleton of a marine animal and as such, it carries with it the special creative vibrations of the sea. Just as the ocean is the life’s blood of the land, so too, Coral is said to aid in the circulation of the body and to enrich the blood.

Unlike red and angelskin Coral, black Coral is said to hold in negativity and the limitations that are present in the mind of the wearer. In the past, it was associated with sorcery and was kept in the Shamans’ bag. In Tibet, India and other middle eastern countries, black Coral is still considered a sign of bad luck.

Garnet: Throughout the ages, Garnet has always been noted for its deep, rich color. Ancient legends state that Garnet could never be hidden, that even under clothing, its glowing light would shine forth. According to traditional beliefs, Noah used the wine-red variety of Garnet to light the Ark. The stone’s ability to reveal that which is hidden may be the reason why Garnet was once thought to illuminate the mind so it could see back to past incarnations.

Hematite: As far back as ancient Egypt, Hematite was used to reduce inflammation and treat hysteria. In his Naturalis Historia, the Roman writer Pliny cites Hematite as a powerful talisman that could obtain a favorable response to petitions when the wearer appeared before the king. The stone also procured the positive outcome of lawsuits and judgments. In modern folklore, Hematite is considered a grounding stone, helping to maintain the proper balance of mind, body and spirit.

Malachite: The wide use of cosmetics and beauty aids in all the ancient civilizations is quite extraordinary. Malachite was one of those gems which, when pulverized, produced a lovely green eye shadow. From tombs whose origin preceded those of Egypt, we find cosmetic jars and paint cups containing Malachite. Later on, King Solomon extracted this gem as a copper byproduct from his fabulous mines and became wealthy as a result.

In Egypt, Malachite was used primarily as a protection for children against evil spirits. During the Middle Ages, it was a popular talisman against the Evil Eye, all forms of sorcery and black magic.

Modern folklore suggests that Malachite increases abundance in all areas of life, offering its wearer health, vitality and protection.

Onyx: In ancient times, Onyx was used to guard against witches’ spells and evil sorcery. It was reputed to drive away all undesirable thoughts and bad temper. Folklore says that Onyx was considered a stabilizing stone, especially during times of extreme stress because it prevented loss of energy from the body.

In India, another legend states that Onyx was worn around the neck in order to cool the passions of love. It was further believed that the stone encouraged a spirit of separateness and independence between partners.

Opal: Known as “The Gem of the Gods,” Opal has always had a mystical significance. It is said to aid in psychic vision and to have the power to open the spiritual centers. As a curative stone, Opal was believed to heighten weak emotions and to strengthen the memory.

During the time of Queen Elizabeth, Opal was written “ophal.” Some believe the name was derived from the word “opthalmos” meaning, “the eye.” Thus, in ancient times, Opal was said to be intimately connected with a belief in the Evil Eye. Over the years, a superstition developed which said the stone caused ill luck if gazed upon. In contrast, another folktale of a later date suggests that looking at Opal is actually good for the eyes.

At one time, this stone was considered the gem of love. Opal could reverse its lucky effects for those who lacked fidelity, however, bestowing unfortunate circumstances upon unfaithful lovers.

Peridot: Peridot is a gem variety of olivine, also known as “chrysolite”. Highly valued by the ancients, the stones were once considered more valuable than diamonds. In fact, they were actually used as currency to pay tribute to Egyptian rulers. The ancients of that day believed that Peridot could only be found at night, when the stone radiated like the sun. Although it was said to glow, Peridot was never mined at night. Instead, the spot where the light appeared was carefully marked, and the diggers returned the following day to unearth the gems.

Peridot was the only gem set in transparent form by the Romans, who wore it for protection against enchantments, melancholy and illusion. During the Middle Ages, knights wore the stone as a means of gaining foresight and divine inspiration. It was also recommended for those who desired eloquence in speech.

Turquoise: Tradition says that Isaac, the son of Abraham, was the first to open the famed Persian Turquoise mines. Although various versions of the bible disagree, some scholars believe that the gem was one of the precious stones that comprises the foundation of the New Jerusalem.

In acient lore, the beautiful blue color of Turquoise represented the atmosphere surrounding the earth, which was regarded as the giver of life and breath. The stone further signified man’s origin as a creature of spirit rather than of flesh.

A belief that Turquoise brought good luck was prevalent during the time of Shakespeare. Also, superstitions alluded to the belief that the stone grew pale when its owner took sick and lost its color completely at death. Turquoise would regain its color however, if it was worn by a new and healthy owner. Today, the American Indian reveres Turquoise for its balancing and healing energy. It is said to act as a unifying force between the Spirit of air and the Spirit of the earth.

(The above is from “Ancient Legends of Gems and Jewels”, created by Alda Marian Jangl and James Francis Jangl, Prisma Press Publications – © A&J Jangl, 1985)

Spiritual Meanings of Gemstones

Used in American Indian Jewelry

 

Turquoise (blue color):

One of the main stones that the Navajo use in their jewelry work and in religious ceremonies. Promotes healing and good luck.

Hematite (metallic grey color):

Energizes and revitalizes. Attunes the mind and positively effects the bloodstream.

Jasper (brownish-red color):

A nurturing stone, protects against negativity; promotes healing to kidneys, liver, spleen and bladder.

Malachite (dark green color):

Clarifies emotions, facilitates insights, removes obstructions. Represents fidelity and loyalty.

Aventurine (light green color):

Releases anxiety and fear, boosts tranquility, promotes decisiveness and leadership skills.

Amethyst: (purple color):

Conducts peaceful energy, aids intuition, encourages freedom from addictions.

Rhodonite: (rose peppered with blacks and browns):

Said to help regain mental stability, promote positive thinking and help overcome difficulties. The black in this stone contrasts sharply with the rose coloring to create an intensity of richness.

Bead Work: Designs & Meanings

 

American Indian beads were originally carved from shells, coral, turquoise and other stones, copper and silver, wood, amber, ivory, and animal bones, horns, and teeth. Glass beads were not part of the Indian crafts scene until the colonists brought them to the Americas from Europe 500 years ago and they quickly became part of American Indian culture.

Today glass beads, particularly fine seed beads, are the primary materials for traditional beaders in many tribes. There are as many different American Indian beading traditions, designs, styles and stitches as there are tribes and nations.

Tribal Traditions:
Plains Indians – peyote stitch beading and bone hairpipe chokers.
Eastern Indians – wampum belts
West Coast Indians – dentalium strands
Northern Indians – floral beadwork
southwest Indians – shell and turquoise heishi beads

Beads were a common trade item since ancient times, so it wasn’t surprising to see abalone shells from the west coast in Cherokee beadwork or quahog wampum from the east coast in Ojibway beadwork, even before the Europeans arrived and forced disparate tribes into closer contact with each other.

Generally, native beadwork can be grouped into beaded leather (clothing, moccasins, containers) and beaded strands (jewelry, but occasionally ornamental covering to wrap gourds or other ceremonial or art objects).
For beaded leather arts, Indian craftspeople sew each bead onto a leather backing (or cloth, today). A related craft, quillwork, involved softening and dying stiff porcupine quills and affixing them to leather, birchbark, or to other crafts.

Indian quillwork died out as an art form mostly when seed beads became available to the northern and Plains tribes, but today some native artists are taking a renewed interest in quilling. As for beaded strands, Indian craftspeople stitch the beads together into strings or a mesh, using sinew, thread or wire. Beading strands and beading onto leather are both very complicated, time-consuming and delicate tasks which require many years of practice to do well.

Heishi Shell Jewelry

 

The literal meaning of heishi is “shell” and specifically refers to pieces of shell which have been drilled and ground into beads and then strung into necklaces. More and more frequently, however, heishi (pronounced hee-shee) has come to refer to hand-made tiny beads made of any natural material.

The origin of heishi is fascinating indeed, and is inescapably linked to the ancient history of the people most proficient in its making, the Santo Domingo and San Felipe Pueblo Indians. It is safe to say that this is the oldest form of jewelry in New Mexico (and perhaps in North America), pre-dating the introduction of metals. Centuries ago, the shells used by the Pueblo Indians to make beads were obtained in trade from the Gulf of California.

(Pictured here: Heishi shell necklace with sterling silver and turquoise).   When one looks at a string of heishi, the first reaction is frequently “how on earth can a person do that?” or “to be so perfect, it must be done by machines.” The truth is, if it seems exquisitely perfect, it was most likely made by the hands of a highly-skilled, extremely patient craftsperson.

Knowing the steps involved in the creation of a good string of heishi can help a potential buyer distinguish—and appreciate the difference— between excellent hand-made jewelry and imitations. First, the raw materials are chosen. The most commonly used are seashells of all kinds—dark and light olive shells, spiney oysters, mother-of-pearl, melon shell. Coral and stones such as lapis, turquoise, jet, pipestone and serpentine are also used to create exquisite contemporary heishi necklaces. The artisan must pay anywhere from 4-grade lapis or uncut coral.

Now the process begins. With vulnerable fingers on either side of a whirring blade, the raw material is sliced into strips. Next, small squares are made by biting off pieces of the slice with a hand tool such as a nipper. Using tweezers to hold the tiny squares and a dentist’s carbide bur, a small hole is drilled into the center of each square. After these rough squares of shell or stone are strung together on fine wire, the process of grinding, shaping and smoothing is begun.

The artist shapes the string of rough beads by moving the string again and again against a turning stone wheel, controlling the fineness and the diameter of the beads with his hands. At this point, many beads (stone or shell) will be lost–they will chip or will crack and fly off as the grinder catches a flaw or burr. Each type of material must be ground separately. For example, pipestone and jet (high grade anthracite coal) are soft and grind down much faster than the harder materials such as turquoise, shell or lapis. Also, some materials are more difficult to work than others. With natural turquoise, for example, approximately 60-70 percent is lost. To minimize loss, each bead must be nipped into a rough circle before being ground. By now a string of cylinders, often graduated in size, has been formed and is ready for sanding.

The heishi is further shaped and smoothed with ever-finer grades of sand paper. The string is then washed with clear water and put in the sun to air dry. Finally, the string of heishi is given a high polish on a turning leather belt. The smooth, polished beads are now ready to be strung, either together or with other beads, as a piece of fine jewelry.

Following these steps, it will take from 2 days to a week to prepare a single strand of heishi.

What to look for:
A string of good heishi will have a uniform consistency. If you gently pull it through your hand, it should feel like a single serpent-like piece. (Note: Precisely because of the handwork involved, a fine string of heishi may contain a slightly flawed or chipped individual bead.)

On the other hand, inferior “heishi-style” beads will often have holes that are too large, making the strand look and feel uneven and irregular. To make matters worse, this beadwork is frequently made of a variety of plastic materials of all colors, including block or reconstituted jet, coral or turquoise.

In the end, the quality of fine heishi comes directly from the ingenuity and integrity of the individual artisan. Learning something about the artisan, whether he or she has been reviewed by SWAIA remote for acceptance into Indian Market, or is a member of the IACA-Indian Arts and Crafts Association remote are means of assuring that you are buying quality heishi. And of course, an ethical gallery or dealer will help you learn about the artist, the beads themselves and the creative process. The final guarantee is a certificate of authenticity which may be—and should be—requested from the individual dealer or gallery.

(By Pamela Michaelis publisher of the Wingspread publications)

 

 

 

Antique American Indian Silver Jewelry

By Bruce Bernstein former Curator at the Laboratory of Anthropology and the Museum of Indian Arts and Culture in Santa Fe.

While the art of Indian-crafted silver has flourished in the 20th century, all Indian jewelers can trace their art to a Navajo named Atsidi Saani, who learned blacksmithing at Fort Defiance, Arizona, in the 1850s. (It is generally believed that the Spanish colonizers of the Southwest purposely kept the techniques of metal working from the region’s native peoples.)

When Navajo people returned to their beloved mesas and canyons in 1868, following the four-year internment at Bosque Redondo, their new, more settled way of living led to many changes. Among other things, as they were no longer nomadic, they had greater opportunity to learn from each other. The People had long admired and used metal ornaments and horse equipment. They had used brass and copper wire to create bracelets and coins to fashion buttons. Atsidi Saani applied his metal working techniques, as appropriate, to silver, and he began to teach others.

Tools were crude. Smiths improvised and created their own crucibles, bellows, and emery paper. A smith may have only had a hammer and a piece of scrap railroad track for an anvil. Silver coins were melted or annealed into use. The Mexican peso soon gained new favor among smiths because it had a higher silver content than American coins.

Repoussé tools made by a machinist in the 1950s using pieces of scrap steel and automobile transmission parts.

By the 1890s, traders took advantage of the new market with silversmiths and began selling tools and silver slugs.

Silver jewelry also served as barter on the Reservation where money was practically non-existent. Traders took silver and turquoise jewelry as collateral, without giving a specific value to the piece, and the customer’s purchase debt was secured by the jewelry. Any pawn unclaimed after the agreed period of not less than six months was considered “dead” and the trader could sell it.

After 1950, the use of pawn as collateral was prohibited on the Reservation; however, it continues to exist today on the borders of the Reservation.Older Indian jewelry (1880-1900) may appear crude by today’s standards. Collectors of these pieces look for raised designs created with files and chisels and not repoussé.

(Repoussage is the art of working the back of the metal, usually with a hammer or stamp, producing raised surfaces such as the rounded concha). As the smiths acquired better tools, they produced more elaborately decorated pieces.

After 1950, the use of pawn as collateral was prohibited on the Reservation; however, it continues to exist today on the borders of the Reservation.Older Indian jewelry (1880-1900) may appear crude by today’s standards. Collectors of these pieces look for raised designs created with files and chisels and not repoussé. (Repoussage is the art of working the back of the metal, usually with a hammer or stamp, producing raised surfaces such as the rounded concha). As the smiths acquired better tools, they produced more elaborately decorated pieces.

By 1899, the Fred Harvey Company was supplying sheet metal and pre-cut, polished turquoise to smiths through the trading posts. The smiths then sold back to Harvey a supply of cheaply-made souvenir jewelry for tourists.

Soon, the Harvey Company was commissioning Indian-style machine-made jewelry. Indians may or may not have been employed for the handwork on these assembly-line pieces. Other manufacturers followed, producing earrings, bracelets, rings, brooches, pins, money clips, commemorative spoons and other trinkets. Collectors of this souvenir jewelry–often called “Harvey House” or “workshop jewelry”–look for its machined-tooled precision and uniformity, affectation of an Indian style, and relative delicate lines. The pieces were generally small, sized to sell cheaply. Turquoise, when used, was treated or coated to harden and enhance color. Designs were usually stamped, and common motifs were thunderbirds, lightning, and bows and arrows.

The differences between authentic and imitation silverwork are subtle, a condition exacerbated by the tendency of smiths to copy what is the most successful or profitable, and to lower their standards for tourists who are often looking for cheap mementos.

By the early 1900s silver jewelry continued to change, reflecting significant advances in tools and technology. Repoussé improved as the smiths learned to temper and harden their tools. Also, stamp work increased as jewelers acquired the technology and supplies to make the stamps. This form of working the metal from the front was quickly adapted as a favored technique to accentuate repoussage or to stand alone.

One example of the evolving aesthetic, or the way the finished silver should look, is the degree of polish on the piece. Currently, silversmiths prefer a high polish, whereas silversmiths of 50 or 100 years past lacked the electric buffing wheel. The older fashion left some areas tarnished, or darkened, to enhance details.

Perhaps the best advice for prospective collectors is always to buy from reputable dealers and to ask plenty of questions about the materials and techniques used, and about the jeweler. Today, almost all silver is signed or marked, or the maker is identifiable. Look for the mark, and keep in mind that in New Mexico, it is illegal to proffer non-Indian made jewelry as Indian-made. A reputable dealer should be able to provide proof of authenticity in writing. If there is any hesitation or avoidance, find another dealer.

Many buyers think they should shun treated turquoise. However, much turquoise used today is treated in some way to strengthen it. In its untreated state, the stone is porous, often mottled, and marked with imperfections or inclusions. There are various types of treatments, including coating, dyeing, infusing with hardening agents, and even reconstituting ground turquoise. Ask the seller if, and how, the turquoise is treated. Obviously, collectors will weigh the advantages of different types of treatments.

Finally, collecting Indian silver should always be enjoyable. It is still a very affordable art, and collectors enjoy a wide range of styles and designs. Learning about the history, techniques, materials and the makers offers insights into cultures that are often trivialized by our mass society. A fine, well-made piece of silver has universal appeal; it wears well anywhere, anytime and with almost any style of dress. Buy what you love and wear it often.

American Indian Jewelry Crafts

While there was a time not too long ago when a trip to the reservations of the Southwest was the only way to see and purchase the silver and stone jewelry of Indian artists, that’s not so any more. Indian jewelry is now available just about anywhere around the world, from department stores in malls to electronic shopping outlets on television and the Internet. And while shoppers who select a piece in their own backyard obviously appreciate the beauty and elegance of their purchase, there is nothing like actually watching the silversmith at work and absorbing the magic that goes into each creation.

There is also a question of authenticity involved when purchasing Indian jewelry. In this case, even a trip to the reservation doesn’t guarantee a piece that will be a good solid investment. As with rugs, the question of “Indian Made” and the authenticity of that claim has bearing on appreciative value.

“Mass production” is becoming more and more common as demand grows. Many people believe Indian artists never mass produce, that each piece is unique. This would solely depend on the definition of mass production. There was a time when each step of each piece was fashioned by hand but today silver components are available, precast stone bezels, ring shanks, braided silver wire and other commercially available “aids.” These aids are purchased and used by Indian artists interested in producing the maximum amount of pieces for trade. In the past non-Indian mass producers purchased machine-made components and hired Indian personnel to solder it together Once this was done the manufacturer felt just in claiming their product was, indeed, “Indian Made.” This process became illegal in the 1930s to protect the integrity of Indian art. Today the mass production of jewelry created by non-Indians but in the image of native creations is prevalent everywhere.

Silver is another issue to consider when purchasing a piece of Indian jewelry. At the turn of the 20th century jewelry was fashioned from melted down Mexican pesos gained in trade. In those days the pesos were made from a fine grade of silver, but in the 1940s the grade of silver was lowered making them less suitable for use. “Nickel silver” or “German silver” is used today. It is harder and less expensive than sterling silver, but is attractive. Sterling is the most common material used in the creation of authentic Indian jewelry. Sterling silver is actually an alloy made from 925 parts of pure silver and 75 parts copper. The addition of the copper is necessary because pure silver is too soft for most jewelry making.

So, if you are buying a piece just because you like the way it looks that’s fine. But if you are looking to buy a piece as an investment or heirloom, keep looking until you find something with the quality and guarantee necessary to protect your investment.

One way to possibly insure a genuine purchase is to look for a sign or other indication of a dealer’s affiliation with the Indian Arts and Crafts Association (IACA). This organization includes dealers nationwide and is designed to “enhance and maintain the image and marketing of handmade American Indian arts and crafts.” The IACA code of ethics requires works sold by these dealers to be “an honest representation of the nature and origin of American Indian arts and crafts; abiding by all federal, state, local and tribal laws which pertain to the works, artifacts and natural resources.”

IACA members are not obligated to sell only handmade Indian jewelry, but they are required to tell you whether or not the piece you like is authentic and if the turquoise used has been treated or stabilized and is not a pure art stone. If a piece is found to have been misrepresented by an IACA member dealer, that dealer has an obligation to refund the money paid for the piece or apply that amount toward the purchase of another piece.

A complete list of participating IACA members is available by calling or writing the association: Indian Arts and Crafts Association, 122 La Veta NE, Suite B, Albuquerque, New Mexico, 87301; phone 505.265.9149.

Navajo Jewelry:
Hundreds of years ago the Spanish introduced horses to the native peoples of North America, and shortly thereafter metal working became part Navajo culture – first creating iron bridles for the horses and ultimately evolving into beautiful and unique works of art.

It’s believed that a Navajo named Atsidi Sani learned metal work skills from people in a Mexican enclave on land that became New Mexico. He created knives and horse bits and bridles and taught his four sons, who took their work all over the country. Out of this family came a Navajo tradition of blacksmithing.

In addition to the practical aspects of metal work, decorative metal techniques with copper and silver, called “metal of the moon,” also was learned from Mexican artisans. These early artistic endeavors were used to adorn clothing, moccasins, saddles and weapons. Coins were refashioned to make buttons. Casting was managed by melting down coins and either hammering the solid silver into a sheet or by pouring the hot, liquid silver into a mold of sandstone or lava rock.

Different tribes adapted the use of silver in varying techniques. The Navajo typically make pieces with the emphasis on the use of silver itself, with a single piece usually only containing a single kind of stone in a setting, be it turquoise, agate, jasper or coral. For the most part, Navajo artists do not work in inlay techniques, which place shaped pieces of stone down into the silver.

Generally, Navajo jewelry pieces are begun in the center and worked outward. Pieces tend to symmetrical, both horizontally and vertically and there is little repetition in design. Navajo pieces are decorative, and do not represent any symbolism.

Zuni Jewelry:
Like the Navajo, the Zuni began their tradition of metal work by fashioning iron, moving on to copper and brass and then conquering silver. Zuni tribe member Lanyade learned metal work from the original Navajo smith Atsidi Sani. Lanyade then taught another smith named Balawade, who went on to teach and spread the craft. Again, these early technical skills eventually evolved into the creation of jewelry and other metal adornments, incorporating stones as well.

The Zuni are considered by many to be the premiere jewelers of all American Indian tribes, as each Zuni piece is constructed rather than cast. Zuni jewelers also are deemed to be lapidaries as well as jewelers because of designs that require precision use of cut stones. These definitive Zuni techniques include:

  • Clusters – small stones, most commonly in rows, to form bracelets, belts, rings, earrings and brooches.
  • Needlepoint – many tiny, carefully matched cabochons with pointed ends placed in straight or curved lines and set.
  • Petit Point – often confused with or referred to as needlepoint, this style is really a modified version of needlepoint that uses teardrop-shaped stones. If the stones are teardrop shaped, the piece is petit point, not needlepoint.
  • Mosaics – stones, shell or even other found objects such as nuts are arranged in random and irregular patterns. Some pieces depict animals or religious images such as kachinas, the sun face or other ritual designs.
  • Channel work – stones cut, polished and inlaid in a shared bezel to create a smooth, shiny surface on a continuous plane.

Hopi Jewelry:
In networking the metal work skills learned from Mexican craftsmen, the Navajo Atsidi Sani taught the Zuni Lanyade. Lanyade made a trip to Hopiland to make and sell his silver work. While he had no intention of sharing his trade secrets, his Hopi host Sikyatala did observe and became proficient enough to sell his work.

For a long time the Hopi would simply copy the work of Navajo. Later, Dr. Harold Colton and his wife Mary, founders of the Museum of Northern Arizona at Flagstaff, encouraged the Hopi to develop their own techniques and designs. In 1947 classes were organized to promote the craft and out of this experience came the development of original design and the technique of silver overlay and matte black background, trademarks of Hopi silver work.

Hopi work originates in the mind of the artist and can be vast and varied, from realistic depictions of kachinas to stylized designs that include the forces of nature and elements from the world around us. Purchasing a piece directly from the silversmith is the best way to learn the motivation behind a piece.

Hopi work generally includes a hallmark to identify the artist, sometimes their initials, a symbol of their clan or some other symbol. The study of Hopi hallmarks is an interesting sidebar to appreciating Indian silver.

Hopi Indian Crafts: Kachinas


In the vast realm of Indian arts and crafts kachina figures provide classic, beautiful illustrations of the culture and history of the Hopi. While often referred to as “kachina dolls,” they are actually religious articles, carved and painted with reverence by Hopi whose gift it is to create them for ceremony.

The kachina images reflect the kachinas of belief – supernatural beings that live among the San Francisco Peaks in northeastern Arizona, near Flagstaff. While most are benevolent, some are not. Every December through July, as part of their annual cycle of ceremonies, Hopi men adopt the mask and dress of a particular kachina and are believed to be inhabited by the kachina they reflect.

The original small, carved versions of kachinas (also called “katsinas”) were created to educate Hopi children to the different kachinas and their religious role. The carvings also are kept in the home on shelves or hung from the ceiling to serve as reminders of the spirits that surround and infuse all aspects of life. While kachina figures will serve these purposes for the Hopi forever, in the last century they have also become of interest to art collectors and tourists. Realizing the demand, other tribes in the Southwest also have begun to create kachina images for sale.

The kachina world is fascinating, with more than 200 different spirits documented. With so many to create, most kachina carvers “specialize,” choosing just a few to create over and over. Most have specific, highly recognizable characteristics such as costume or animal identity. But some carvers “mix and match,” creating different characters of blended identity.

Kachina-wolfMuch has been written about the meaning of kachina and further research will open a wide world of belief and mystery to those who choose to look further and do research.

The best place to make a kachina purchase is directly from the Hopi on the their reservation in Arizona. But the figures are available in arts and crafts shops and trading posts throughout the Southwest and across the country now. If you would just like to have one for decorative purposes or as a remembrance of a trip, many fine kachinas are now made by Navajo artists and non-Indians alike. If you plan to purchase a kachina as a serious investment or heirloom, you may want to guarantee you get one that is Hopi made, or Zuni, as that culture also is steeped in kachina belief and carving history.

Navajo Indian Weaving Buying Tips

The purchase of Navajo weavings is considered sound investment, as their worth continues to appreciate. However, as with any art, the buyer must pay attention to insure the best return on any investment made. When considering the purchase of Navajo weaving be sure to pay close attention to the following thoughts.

  • Research in literature or by trusted word of mouth to make sure you are buying from a reputable dealer.
  • If you are interested in perfection you might be better off considering a commercially made rug. Navajo weavings are handwrought, and as with anything made by hand little imperfections add to their perfection.
  • Navajo weavings are woven evenly and will lay perfectly flat when opened out.
  • The weave also should be tight with uniform design from one end to the other. Edges should be straight with no warp threads showing at all.
  • The weavings should be tied off in each of the four corners. Navajo weavings do not have fringe at either end.
  • Weavings should be smooth with no bumps and held up to the light there should be no thin areas where light shows through.
  • Some simple color variegation, particularly in browns and grays, may exist but it should not be excessive or dominant.
  • Familiarize yourself with Mexican/Zapotec copies of Navajo styles and learn differences. While Mexican rugs are beautiful and make excellent floor and wall coverings, they aren’t considered an investment.

 

Identifying Navajo Indian Weavings

Navajo Rug Example

 

The easiest way to protect yourself when considering the purchase of Navajo weavings is to know what determines the genuine article.

Native weavers in Mexico are influenced by the beauty and tradition of Navajo weavers and produce some flattering replicas of Navajo work. Some are so good even many traders cannot tell the difference. And, many traders deal exclusively with Mexican weavings.

You cannot reply on claims of “genuine” either. Many rugs actually bear labels claiming to be genuine Navajo creations when in fact they are not. Many dealers will tell you something is “Indian made” and be perfectly honest, as many weavers in Mexico are Indians as well.

The most basic difference between Navajo and Mexican rugs is the way they each string their loom. Navajo weavers kneel before vertical looms with the warp running vertically. The rug is woven from bottom to top and the warp is never cut, but finished off with a needle. The loom is operated entirely by hand, and the weave beaten down by hand. Mexican looms are strung horizontally and the warp is cut at both ends and then worked back into the weaving. Weaving is done with a shuttle and loom is operated by foot pedals.

You can tell by smell. Navajo rugs are made from the wool of sheep and that wool contains lanolin you can smell. In short, your rug will smell like sheep if it is the genuine article. Mexican rugs are made with commercial yarns with no sheep smell.

The same sheep produce wool that slightly varies in color when woven by Navajo weavers. This streaky look is particularly obvious in gray and brown hues. Mexican dyes are commercial and therefore uniform in color, the yarn used also is commercial so the weavings are lighter and red used is bright in comparison to the deep richness of Navajo reds. Grays will be solid.

The density of the weave tells you a lot. Mexican weaving is loose, while the Navajo weave very tightly. As a rule Navajo weavers also do not fringe their work, instead just tying off the corners. If they do fringe a piece you will be able to see where it was added to the finished weaving. Mexican fringe will appear to be part of the weave.

Navajo Indian Weaving Techniques

Navajo Weaving
Like all art forms, Navajo rugs have changed in design, construction and use over the years, but one fact remains consistent – the rugs are inherent illustrations of the Navajo culture.

Years and years ago, weavers probably sat at crude looms to weave the hair of game animals, horses or humans; plant fibers, bark fibers and feathers. Out of necessity, these early looms, probably with a single support, evolved into a more framelike loom with a pair of closely placed stakes connected by a third across the top of both.

This provided a place for warp thread that could then be plaited or twined into mats and other expanses of fabric. Looms of this type are still in use among Navajo weavers today.

Initially, the natural fibers used allowed for color schemes that included ivory, brown, gray, tan and black. With the introduction of vegetable dyes, still before the presence of white cultures, rust, yellow and green were available as well.

It was the Spanish who brought indigo dye to the Navajo, and later also brought a cloth called “baize,” which the Navajo weavers unraveled and spun again into their sheep’s wool to create a shade of red.

Navajo weaving is generally classed by six “periods:”

  • The Early Classic Period / 1700 – 1850:   The Spanish were making inroads into Navajo territories. It is believed the Navajo learned to weave from Pueblo cultures who escaped to Navajo lands while fleeing the invasion of the Spanish during the 1600s. While the presence of the Spanish was not welcome, they did introduce sheep to native populations, and with the sheep, wool, which ultimately replaced early weaving materials.
  • The Classic Period / 1850 – 1863:   The creations of Navajo weavers became increasingly in demand in trades by members of other tribes and while military personnel. Weaving was permanently embedded in the Navajo culture by this time as well, and even when the government imprisoned and moved them to New Mexico in 1863, away from their sheep and wool, they continued to weave by returning to the use of fiber.
  • The Transition Period / 1868 – 1890:   The release of the Navajo and the return to their homelands only enhanced the production of weavings. The introduction of commercial yarns also brought new colors to the rugs and blankets at this time.
  • The Rug Period / 1890 – 1920:  During this period, the Navajo blanket makers began to get competition from commercial rug producers like Pendleton, so they turned their attention to denser weavings that could be used as rugs. During this time “style” also began to evolve. Juan Hubbell of the famed Hubbell Trading Post family in Ganado, Arizona had a strong influence on Navajo weavers. He encouraged them to strive for quality over quantity and to preserve the classic designs of the old days. One design of crosses, stripes and diamonds set in deep red and bordered in black became known as the “Ganado” style. John B. Moore of Crystal, New Mexico also played a key role in the stylization and popularity of Navajo rugs. He would send native wools to the East for cleaning and dying and shared his design ideas with Navajo. Moore’s concepts evolved into the “Two Gray Hills” and “Crystal” styles, and he was the first to begin a successful mail order rug business.
  • The Revival Period / 1920 – 1940:  The boom of the early Rug Period had ended with a true bust. The U.S. government had introduced French Rambouillet sheep to the reservation. While these sheep produced large amounts of wool and mutton for food, the quality of the wool was inferior. Despite the best efforts of the Navajo weavers the quality of the rugs went down and so did sales. The Revival Period brought life back to the craft. Leon McSparron of the Chinle Trading Post and Mary C. Wheelwright, a patron of the Navajo people, lobbied for a return to the use of vegetable dyes. But commercial dyes were not completely abandoned, as dye companies actually developed special toned and easy-to-use products specifically for Navajo weavers. During this period the Navajo Sheep Breeding Laboratory, to explore and generate the finest wools; and the Navajo Arts and Crafts Guild, which provided quality and authenticity control; were formed.
  • Regional Style Period / 1940 – present :  With the success of styles like Ganado and Two Gray Hills, more rugs were created on the premise of reservation locale – Ganado, Shiprock, Lukachukai, Teec Nos Pos, Crystal, Two Gray Hills, Chinle, Wide Ruin and Tonalea.

American Indian Dances

Native American Dances

 

For centuries native peoples have gathered together and engaged in ceremonial and celebratory dance. Men’s Traditional Dance, Women’s Traditional Dance, Grass Dance…all are rooted in those days long ago but like much of American Indian culture, these roots are not simply history. Attend any powwow today and you can see these dances recreated by men, women and children in exhibition and competition as lush illustrations of “living history.”

Men’s Traditional Dance:

Danced with exaggerated movement above the waist to simulate hunting, tracking or fighting but heavy, grounded, flat-footed lower body, this dance originated with members of warrior societies on the Great Plains. Costume includes an eagle feather bustle and hair roach made of porcupine quills. While many tribal gatherings today work to join and unite tribes from across the continent, homogenizing some of the dances to suit all, Men’s Traditional dance remains tribe specific in terms of style and dress.

Women’s Traditional Dance:

This dance is extremely reserved in nature, simply a single or double step done in a circle. Sometimes an up and down movement is done while standing in place. Costume for Women’s Traditional also remains tribal specific, sometimes with elaborate beadwork on long buckskin or trade cloth dresses.

Men’s Grass Dance:

The Grass Dance was first done in the tall prairie of North Dakota at the turn of the 20th century. The costume a shirt with a V-shaped yoke, lots of fringe on the pants and shirts and headdress that might remind you of “antennae.” No bustles are worn. Dancers sway from side to side facing forward around the circle.

Men’s Fancy Dance:

By the middle of the 20th century, tribes gathering together began to see the costuming and innovations in traditional dances becoming more and more elaborate. Beadwork became lavish and the bustles became bigger. Eventually, a bustle at the back of the waist was joined by a second, smaller bustle at the back of the neck and the footwork became more exaggerated and out of this the Fancy Dance was born. Today the Fancy Dance is often the highlight of dance competitions. The colorful visual elements of costume and face paint coupled with quick and spinning footwork and jumps make this dance a favorite of competitors and viewers alike. This dance is intertribal.

Native Shawl DanceWomen’s Fancy/Shawl Dance (pictured)
:

It is tradition for a woman to exercise proper etiquette and wear shawl into the dance arena. Women’s Traditional Dance participants wear one, but young women, inspired by and feeling equal to, the male fancy dancers have now created a counterpart for themselves and incorporated the shawl. During this more spirited women’s dance, some wear only a single shawl over street clothes, but a fancy-shawl dancer with full regalia will have a dress, leggings, moccasins, cape and shawl – all matching in decoration. This dance is intertribal.

Women’s Jingle Dress:

This dance is aptly named, because the dress worn by participants does, in fact, jingle. Rows of tin cones adorn the dress in patterns selected by the dancers, which include women of all ages. The tin cones are often made by rolling the heavy metal tops of snuff cans. It is said that a hundred years ago an Ojibwa (Chippewa) holy man had a vision in which four women appeared to him wearing jingle dresses. The dance also bears a resemblance to the Grass Dance, which seemed to originate at the same time. This dance is intertribal.

Indian Squash Blossom Necklaces

Classic Southwest Indian Design


One of the most well known of all Southwest Indian jewelry designs is the squash blossom necklace. However, its roots lie deep in non-Indian culture and history. It became traditional after the arrival of Europeans, when Navajo silversmiths adopted the crescent-shaped “naja” seen on the iron ornaments on the horse bridles of the Spanish Conquistadors in the late 1500s and early 1600s.

At first, these ornaments were either captured or traded and they soon graced the necks of the local Indian populace. Eventually, they were reproduced in various metals and were proudly displayed during ceremonials. Since most ceremonials were related to the agricultural cycle, the naja, therefore, was associated with crop fertility.

The earlier acquired najas were most certainly hung around the owner’s neck by a simple thong. But once silver beads came into fashion around 1880, the naja was displayed in its more traditional form. The first beads were large, non-ornamental and round from which more complicated, fluted and oval designs, developed. In fact, early Navajo and Zuni beads were originally Spanish-Mexican trouser and jacket ornaments, fashioned to resemble the pomegranate, a common Spanish decorative motif. Altough early Navajo “squash blossom” beads show a similarity to the Mexican ornament and the pomegranate it is doubtful that the Navajo attempted to depict this blossom in his bead style.

The Navajo word for the “squash blossom” simply means “bead that spreads out”. It’s possible the name was a mistranslation between English, Spanish, and one of the Southwest Indian languages, or perhaps someone thought the shape of the beads looked like squash blossoms at some point. However, the necklace design is not a traditional stylized depiction of squash blossoms in any Southwestern Indian culture.

The squash blossom necklace serves as a reminder of the close interaction between the Pueblo and Navajo Indians since the mid 1800s. The necklace itself is Navajo but adopted by the Zuni, who in the 19th century, incorporated the use of turquoise inlay patterns on each of the blossoms.

Short History of American Indian Jewelry

Jewelry styles were different in every American Indian tribe, but the differences were less marked than with other arts and crafts, because jewelry and the materials used for making it (beads, shells, copper and silver, ivory, amber, turquoise and other stones) were major trade items long before Europeans arrived in America.

After colonization, American Indian jewelry-making traditions remained strong, incorporating, rather than being replaced by, new materials and techniques such as glass beads and more advanced metalworking techniques.

There are two very general categories of American Indian jewelry: metalwork, and beadwork. Before the Europeans, native metalwork was fairly simple, consisting primarily of hammering and etching copper into pendants or earrings and fashioning copper and silver into beads. After Navajo, Hopi and Pueblo artists learned silversmithing from the Spanish in the 1800s, metal jewelry arts blossomed in the Southwest, and distinctive native jewelry such as the well known squash blossom necklace, Hopi silver overlay bracelets, and Navajo turquoise inlay rings developed from the fusion of the new techniques with traditional designs.

Native beadwork, on the other hand, was already extremely advanced in pre-Columbian times, including the fine grinding of turquoise, coral, and shell beads into smooth heishi necklaces, the delicate carving of individual wood and bone beads, the soaking and piecing of porcupine quills, and the intricate stitching of thousands of beads together.

Porcupine quillwork has nearly died out (though some young artists have renewed interest) but all of these other forms of beadwork are still going strong, though imported Czech seed beads have been the favored medium among many Indian artists for centuries now.

Buying American Indian Arts & Crafts

How to Buy Genuine American Indian Arts and Crafts
(Tips from Federal Trade Commission)

 

Whether you’re drawn to the beauty of turquoise and silver jewelry or the earth tone colors of Indian pottery, having some knowledge about American Indian arts and crafts can help you get the most for your money. Be aware also that because Indian arts and crafts are prized and often command higher prices, a few unscrupulous sellers misrepresent imitation arts and crafts as genuine.

Getting What You Pay For
The Indian Arts and Crafts Act of 1990 helps ensure that buyers of Indian arts and crafts products get what they pay for by making it illegal to misrepresent that a product is made by an Indian. Under the Act, any item produced after 1935 that is marketed using terms such as “Indian,” “Native American” or “Alaska Native” must be made by a member of a State or federally-recognized tribe or by a certified Indian artisan. A certified Indian artisan is an individual who is certified by an Indian tribe as a nonmember Indian artisan.

In advertising or marketing a product, it is a violation of the Act to state or imply falsely that the product is made by an Indian or is the product of a particular tribe. For example, advertising or marketing a product as “Navajo Jewelry” that is not produced by members of the Navajo Nation is a violation of the law. Terms such as “Indian,” “Native American” or the name of a particular Indian tribe, accompanied by qualifiers such as “ancestry,” “descent” and “heritage” — for instance, “Native American heritage” or “Cherokee descent” — do not mean that the person is a member of an Indian tribe. These terms do mean that the person is of descent, heritage or ancestry of the tribe, and the terms should be used only if truthful.

Buying Tips
1. American Indian arts and crafts are sold through many outlets, including tourist stores, gift shops and art galleries. Here are some tips to help you shop wisely:

2. Buy from an established dealer who will give you a written guarantee or written verification of authenticity.

3. Get a receipt that includes all the vital information about the value of your purchase, including any verbal representations. For example, if the salesperson told you that the piece of jewelry you’re buying is sterling silver and natural turquoise and was handmade by an American Indian artisan, insist that this information appear on your receipt.

Before buying Indian arts and crafts at powwows, annual fairs, juried competitions, and other events, check the event requirements for information about the authenticity of the products being offered for sale. Many events list their requirements in newspaper ads, promotional flyers and printed programs. If the event organizers make no statement about the authenticity of Indian arts and crafts being offered for sale, get written verification of authenticity for any item you purchase that claims to be authentic.

For an Indian art or craft object to be an “Indian product” all work on the product must have been by an Indian or Indians. More information about the Indian Arts and Crafts Act and related regulations can be obtained by visiting the Web site of the Indian Arts and Crafts Board, www.iacb.doi.gov.

Identifying Authentic American Indian Jewelry

1. Price — Although Indians may make and sell inexpensive souvenir-type items, authentic high-quality Indian jewelry can be expensive.

2. Appearance — Well-crafted jewelry has no wavering lines or lopsided designs. If a design is stamped into silver — the most common metal used — the image should be clear. Images on imitations often are blurred. High-quality pieces use stones that are well-cut and uniform in size, and fit snugly into their settings. The stones on imitations may be poorly cut, leaving a large amount of metal-colored glue visible between the stone and the metal. Look for the artist’s “hallmark” stamped on the jewelry. Many Indian artists use a hallmark — a symbol or signature — to identify their work.

3. Guarantee of Authenticity — A reputable dealer will give you a written guarantee.

Type of Materials

  • Silver: Silver is the most common metal used in American Indian jewelry.
  • Sterling describes metal containing 92.5 parts silver and 7.5 parts other metal. According to the Federal Trade Commission’s (FTC) Jewelry Guides, any item marked “silver” must be sterling.
  • Coin Silver describes metal containing 90 parts silver and 10 parts other metal. It is called “coin” because Indians melted down pre-1900 American and Mexican coins to make jewelry before they were able to obtain commercially made ingots and sheet silver.
  • German Silver — also called Nickel Silver — refers to 60 parts copper, 20 parts zinc, and 20 parts nickel. Under the FTC’s Jewelry Guides, no item should be called silver, even with a modifier such as “German” or “Nickel,” unless it contains at least 90 percent silver. Nevertheless, you may see or hear this term used in connection with Indian jewelry. In particular, some Sioux and Southern Plains Indian metalsmiths work in this metal because it is associated with their cultural heritage.
  • Drawn Silver refers to the way sterling sheet silver is rolled and pulled through a drawplate to get a certain circumference. It is then cut into tiny segments, filed and strung into strands for necklaces. It is sometimes called “liquid silver.” A few artists make hand-pulled silver but the majority of liquid silver is manufactured, not handmade.

Stones
The most common stones used in American Indian jewelry include:

  • Carnelian — a translucent reddish quartz stone.
  • Coral — the hardened secretion of tiny sea creatures. Coral ranges in color from white and pale pink to deep reds and oranges.
  • Lapis Lazuli — a rock composed chiefly of the minerals lazurite (deep blue), pyrite (metallic yellow) and calcite (white). The blue stone is commonly used in modern designs by contemporary Indian artists.
  • Onyx — a translucent quartz stone which, in its natural state, is usually gray or pale blue. Onyx frequently is dyed black.
  • Shell — the general term used for pieces of the outer hard surface of marine animals, particularly those of pearl oysters and abalones. Shell may be used in silver inlay work or may be shaped into flattened disks, drilled and strung into necklaces known as heishi.
  • Turquoise — a copper mineral, often containing small brown or gray veins. Turquoise ranges in color from sky-blue to greenish-blue. The stone varies in hardness from soft/somewhat porous to hard. In the U.S., turquoise is found in the southwestern states. Use of turquoise from other countries is common.

Stone Treatments
Turquoise and other natural or mined stones used in jewelry may have been treated. Treating refers to any alteration of the properties or appearance of natural turquoise and other stones, with the exception of cutting and polishing. Under the FTC’s Jewelry Guides, consumers should be told if a stone has been treated and the treatment is not permanent, the treatment creates special care requirements, or the treatment has a significant effect on the stone’s value.

  • Dyeing — adding blue dye to low-grade turquoise, and adding black to gray or pale blue onyx, to enhance the stone’s appearance.
  • Reconstitution — pulverizing fragments of turquoise, coral or lapis lazuli into powder. The powder is mixed with epoxy and worked into cakes or stones, which are used just like natural stones.
  • Stabilizing — Injecting clear, colorless acrylics into low- to medium-grade turquoise to toughen and harden the stone and enhance its color. Stabilizing is the most advanced and sophisticated method of treating turquoise. The majority of turquoise used today is stabilized. Natural gem-quality turquoise is usually only used by top artists and commands much higher prices than stabilized turquoise.

It’s not always easy to spot a counterfeit item but price, materials, appearance, and the seller’s guarantee of authenticity may help.

The Ghost Dance, Religious Cult

By the 1880’s the U.S. government had managed to confine almost all of the Indians on reservations which consisted of poor quality land. Rations and supplies that had been guaranteed to them by the treaties were also of poor quality and often times, they didn’t arrive.

By 1890 conditions were so bad on the reservations, nationwide, with starvation conditions existing in many places, that the situation was ripe for a major movement to rise among the Indians. This movement found its origin in a Paiute medicine man named Wovoka, who in 1887, had a vision where he met God. Wovoka was told that he must teach his people that they must love each other, live in peace with the white people, and must work hard and not lie or steal. Ghost Dance

Wovoka was given a dance by God that had to be performed for five consecutive days. This involved the men holding hands in a circle and shuffling slowly to the left while singing special songs about how American Indian life would be restored to its former order and balance. Wovoka claimed that performing this dance would also result in the return of the buffalo and prepare the Indians for their salvation.

News about Wovoka’s teachings spread to other American Indian tribes. The most enthusiastic supporters of this new cult was the Sioux. Soon, representatives from tribes all over the nation came to Nevada to meet with Wovoka and learn to dance the Ghost Dance and to sing Ghost Dance songs.

In early October of 1890, Kicking Bear, a Minneconjou, visited Sitting Bull at Standing Rock. He told him of the visit he and his brother-in-law, Short Bull, had made to Nevada to visit Wovoka. They told him of the great number of other Indians who were there as well. They referred to Wovoka as a savior and told of the Ghost Dance that they had learned. And they told him of the phophecy that, next spring, when the grass was high, the earth would be covered with new soil, burying all the white men. The new soil would be covered with sweet grass, running water and trees; the great herds of buffalo and wild horses would return. All Indians who danced the Ghost Dance would be taken up into the air and suspended there while the new earth was being laid down. Then they would be replaced there, with the ghosts of their ancestors, on the new earth. And, only Indians would live there then.

This new religion was being taught at all of the Sioux reservations now. Big Foot’s band, which consisted mostly of women who had lost their husbands and/or other male relatives in battles with the government, would dance until they collapsed, hoping to guarantee the return of their dead warriors. Sitting Bull doubted that the dead would be be brought back to life but he had no objections to people dancing the Ghost Dance. However he had heard that the agents were getting nervous about the dancing, thinking it was a preparation for further hostilities. He did not want the soldiers to return to kill more of his people. Kicking Bear assured him that, if the dancers wore their Ghost Dance shirts, painted with magic symbols, the soldiers bullets would not strike them. Sitting Bull consented to Kicking Bear remaining at Standing Rock and teaching the Ghost Dance. This began a chain of events that lead to his death on December 15.


As the number of people involved in the Ghost Dance movement increased, the panic and hysteria of the Indian agents increased with it. Agent McLaughlin had Kicking Bear removed from Standing Rock, but this did not stop the movement there. McLaughlin telegraphed Washington, asking for troops and blaming Sitting Bull as the power behind this “pernicious system of religion.” Panicky messages about Indians dancing in the snow, wild and crazy, were sent to Washington. One voice of sanity, the former agent, Valentine McGillycuddy, recommended allowing the dances to continue.

Nonetheless, on December 12, the order was received to arrest Sitting Bull. On December 15, 43 Indian police surrounded Sitting Bull’s cabin before dawn. Three miles away they were backed up by a squadron of cavalry. When Lieutenant Bull Head entered the cabin, Sitting Bull was asleep. Upon awakening, he agreed to come with the police and asked that his horse be saddled while he dressed. When they left the cabin, a large group of Ghost Dancers, much larger than the police force, had assembled and challenged the police. One dancer, Catch-the-Bear, pulled out a rifle and shot Lieutenant Bull Head in the side. In an attempt to shoot back at his assailant, Bull Head instead accidentally shot Sitting Bull. Then another policeman, Red Tomahawk, shot Sitting Bull in the head. Many Indian policemen died that day before the cavalry arrived to quell the fighting.

This event then precipitated the events that were to follow at Wounded Knee which effectively brought an end to the Ghost Dance cult.

Lakota Indian: Vision Quest

Crying for a Vision

Vision Quest

 

For generations, the vision quest has been an extremely important part of Lakota life and ritual. Until recent times, all young men sought this experience, sometimes as young as 10 or 11 and never later than their early teens.

Later in life, men would often return for another vision quest when seeking guidance in the affairs of life. Women would vision quest too, but not as regularly as men. The practice, though not as prevalent, has never been abandoned by the people and is still carried on today.

Besides the young, who vision quest at the beginning of the path to adulthood, a person might choose to cry for a vision in order to better understand another vision they already had, or to prepare for the Sundance, or ask a favor from Wakan Tanka, or as a thank you to Wakan Tanka for gifts received or simply to realize a closeness with the Great Spirit.

When it is time for a vision quest, the seeker brings a pipe to a holy man to ask for help and counsel. If the holy man thinks this is a good idea and agrees to help, a day is set aside. Often times questors were accompanied by a holy man or guide, sometimes they went alone.

On the day of the vision quest, the holy man and assistants go into the sweatlodge with the person making the quest. The object is purification. The one seeking a vision or the holy man would have already selected a place that was rugged and remote that would lend itself to spiritual thought without distraction.

After the sweat, the holy man and assistants prepare a place while the seeker waits. A rectangular place, approximately four- to six-feet wide and six- to eight-feet long, is cleared and a pole with tobacco offerings is put at the center. Other smaller poles are placed at the four directions, with offerings and the representative colors of the four directions tied to each of them. Sage is spread near the center pole as a “bed” for the seeker rest on when tired.

When the place is readied, the other leave and the seeker arrives with pipe, buffalo robe and offering sticks, praying as he approaches. He goes to the center pole and faces west, and then walks to the pole that has been placed in the west. Here he prays again with his pipe in his hands. He then returns to the center pole and goes to the north and repeats the process. Same with the east and the south, taking as much time as needed in any or all directions. When finished with all four, he starts prayer again, all day and into the night. Sometimes he may just stand and face the Sun, other times he may sit and meditate, facing east. During these times the pipe is placed at the west end of the rectangular space as a point of focus.

The seeker may sleep on the bed of sage, with his head at the center pole, but the entire duration of the vision quest he does not eat or drink. Many vision quests last just a day and a night, but others seeking a vision may stay two, three or even four days. Rarely is a quest longer than four days and four nights.

The idea is for the seeker to pray hard from the heart and pay attention to the world around him. If he does, messages from Wakan Tanka will come to him. Sometimes a message or instructions come through nature in the form of an animal or bird. Nothing should be discounted as the Wakan Tanka can, and does, speak through all things. And generally some physical representation of the vision or message (feather, fur, rock) is collected and placed in the seeker’s medicine bag to ensure the power of the vision would stay with the individual to remind, protect or guide him.

When the time is up, the holy man and his assistants come to get the seeker and they all return to the sweatlodge. During the sweat, the seeker tells them of what he saw and heard, being careful not to leave anything out. Sometimes, a vision does not come, and that is reported too. When finished, the holy man prays and gives thanks to Wakan Tanka for all things given and for having pity on the person seeking the vision.

Vision quests are not generally discussed openly, but sometimes the details come out long after, only to amaze and astound the listener of the tale.

Lakota Indians: Sweatlodge

Sweatlodge

While the sweatlodge benefits the participants directly, the rite also helps all the people. It is done as a purification ritual to prepare for the help of Wakan Tanka, either for themselves personally or on behalf of others.

A Sweatlodge is used for purification before other ceremony as well, such as a vision quest or the Sundance.

The lodges are generally constructed close to the home, so they can be used frequently and easily, even in bad weather.

The sweatlodge is made from willow poles, 12 to 20, bent in arcs over each other and stuck in the ground at either end to form a dome shape. The dome is then covered with blankets or hides. Representative of the universe, the lodge door usually faces west, where the clouds and rain come from.

Inside, a round fire pit is created at the center of the universe. Rocks are heated in a fire made outside the sweatlodge and bought in with forks. Sage is sprinkled over the entire floor inside, and a path that leads out from the door leads to a small mound of dirt where the sacred pipe is kept.

At the beginning of a sweat, the participants enter and offer a prayer to Wakan Tanka for all provided and help in the past, present and future. Everyone sits on the sage, in a circle, silently watching as the hot rocks are brought in and placed in the fire pit. Once the pit is filled, whoever is leading the ceremony offers the pipe to the four directions, to the sky and to the earth. The pipe is then lit and passed among those in the circle. When everyone has smoked, the pipe is placed in the outside altar with its stem facing west.

Then the flap is pulled shut, the inside darkens and the leader pours water on the hot rocks, filling the entire lodge with steam. The leader prays to the west, asking for the Great Spirit to look upon them all and offer help with all they need to live.

In awhile, the flap is lifted and water is passed around for everyone to drink. Then the pipe is brought in again. This is repeated until the leader has prayed to all four directions, which represent many things (see Four Directions). Each time the pipe is brought in for smoke, when put back in the outside altar its stem is placed in one of the other directions until the ceremony is finished.

After the prayers to the four directions are complete, the leader speaks about Wakan Tanka, how blessed the people are and how they depend on Wakan Tanka for all things.

Then the flap is opened and everyone prays once again to Wakan Tanka, this time in a spirit of thankfulness. As each person leaves the lodge, they say All my relatives.

Lakota: Sage, Sweet Grass & Tobacco

Sage, sweet grass and tobacco are used by the Lakota in prayer and ritual.


Sweet Grass: Sweet grass is as it sounds, a scent that is sweet and pleasant when burned as incense in a braid or thrown loose on a fire.

It is used to honor the Wakan Tanka and bring blessings to those in prayer, while at the same time sending prayers above on the rising smoke, as the Great Spirit understands this language better than words. In addition to prayer it can be used for purification and for healing.

Sweet grass was introduced to the people by Okaga, the south wind. It grows in the plains and mountains and can reach five feet in height. It is cut and most commonly braided.

Sage: Burning sage (in this case, in the form of smudgesticks, as pictured here) sends a more bittersweet smell into the air when it is used in many different prayer and sacred rituals or for purification.

It is used on the floor of the sweatlodge, as the base of a vision quest bed, in medicine bundles or at the buffalo skull altar. It is said burning sage keeps evil away.

Tate the wind, son of Skan, the sky, is said to get his power from sage.

The silver-leaf sage plant is the incense of the seven sacred rituals, and while used in almost every ceremony, sage is particularly important within the Sundance. The dancers chew sage to alleviate their thirst and wear crowns made from the sage plant.

Tobacco: Tobacco is smoked in the scared pipe, also rising to the sky as a visible prayer or breath on the wind.

Tobacco offerings are made by taking a small amount of tobacco and wrapping it in tiny squares of colored cloth of the four sacred colors.

These tobacco tie offerings are made to stand for a promise or request made to Wakan Tanka.

Lakota: Concept of Wakan

To try to describe the Lakota (Sioux) concept of “wakan” would be much like trying to put down a few paragraphs and accurately and amply sum up “God.” It can’t be done. Wakan is so faceted in nature it would be impossible to describe it all in words, but the following is an attempt to convey just a inkling of what it is all about.

In the world of the Lakota, the word wakan means many things, yet nothing that is easily understood. Even among the Lakota themselves a great deal of thought and study is necessary in a quest to understand the concept of wakan.

Those who travel among the Lakota hear them speak of their beliefs in wakan by many names: Wakan Tanka, Tunkashila, Taku SkanSkan, Great Spirit, Grandfather. The traveler might ask “Are these names for one being or for many?” The answer would have to be both.

To the Lakota, those which made everything are Wakan Tanka. Though wakan have separate meanings unto them selves, Wakan Tanka can be loosely interpreted as “wakan” as “mystery” and “tanka” as “something great.” And being the “creators,” the Wakan Tanka also are Wakanpi, those things above mankind. They are never born and they never die. The Wakanpi, spirits, have power over everything on earth and control everything mankind does. There are benevolent Wakanpi that will bestow the wishes man asks of them, and evil Wakanpi that are to be feared. and

Man uses songs, ceremony and gifts to honor and appease, all under the auspices of the holy man or shaman, wicasa wakan. Prayers offered to the wakan beings as a whole are addressed to Wakan Tanka, but prayers offered to a specific being should address the being by name.

Music is a good vehicle of prayer, and it is said the Wanka Tanka always give attention when they hear the drums and rattles. While the good wakan beings are fond of prayers that reach them on the smoke of sweetgrass, the evil wakan beings fear the smoke of sage. All the Wakan Tanka are pleased with the smoke of the Lakota pipe.

White culture sometimes refers to the Lakota medicine man as a “medicine man,” or as the Lakota say, wicasa wakan, when he is performing ceremonies, and believe he is making medicine when doing so. This is incorrect because the Lakota call something a medicine only when it is being used to tend to the sick or injured, and so the proper term would be pejuta. So a man of medicine among the Lakota, a “doctor,” is a pejuta wacasa, which is not to be confused with wicasa wakan, which is a holy man, or shaman. A wicasa wakan is wise, one who knows and has power with the spirits and can communicate with them. He knows the songs and the ceremonies and can interpret visions. He can tell people what the spirits expect of them, predict the future, speak to nature…to everything on earth. So one, the pejuta wacasa, tends to the physical being, while the other, wicasa wakan, tends to the spiritual.

When a holy man uses an object in a ceremony that object becomes filled with something that best be described, for lack of an actual English term, as “spirit.” The Lakota use the term tonwan or ton to describe it. Ton is the power to do the supernatural. Rattle, smoke, feather…once anything has tonwicasa wakan has the power of wakan beings, bestowed upon him by wakanton has been placed, called a Wasicun, from which the shaman do their work from. White culture would probably call this a “medicine bag,” which is incorrect because there is no “medicine” in it. White doctors or Lakota pejuta wacasa would have “medicine bags,” not holy men. Wasicun is actually a wakan being too, but the least powerful of all. it becomes wakan because the spirit is said to have entered it. Therefore, a beings. With that power the holy man can put ton into anything. He also has a place of his own where

Like Wanka Tanka, which can be good or evil, this ton is not necessarily positive in the big picture either. For example, the roots of certain plants are wakan because they are poisonous or some reptiles are considered wakanwakan because the stories handed down from generation to generation have said the wakan beings made them so. A person acting out of the norm, appearing “crazy,” is wakan. Even alcohol, which makes one “crazy,” is wakan. On the other hand, food is wakan because it gives life. Very old things are wakan because their origin is a mystery. Babies are wakan because they do not speak. Every object in the world has a spirit and that spirit is wakan, good or evil, put there by Wanka Tanka, good or evil. because their bite can kill. Some animals are

Lame Deer served his people as a medicine man and ritual leader for many years and could easily be considered somewhat of an “expert” on concept and tradition among the Lakota. About Wakan Tanka he said:

You can’t explain it except by going to the circles within circles idea, the spirit splitting itself up into stones, trees, tiny insects even, making them all wakan by his everpresence. And in turn all these myriad of things which make up the universe flowing back to their source, united in the one Grandfather spirit.

Lakota: The Four Directions

When praying or engaging in anything sacred, the Lakota look to the four directions. Everything in this world comes from these four directions. The four directions also represent the four sons of Tate, the wind. Each direction has a representative meaning, and often the four directions are depicted as a cross that resembles a plus sign within a circle, and a color.

If you begin to study the four directions you may notice quickly that the colors equated to each may appear differently from reference to reference. For example, in the book Sioux Indian Religion authors Raymond J. DeMallie and Douglas R. Parks depict the correlation between the direction and color this way:

  • Black for the west
  • Red for the north
  • Yellow for the east
  • White for the south

And, they add blue for the sky and green for the earth, as is often done.

The issue of attributing color to the four directions may be baffling. Just about every book you read may line out the color/direction relation differently. The differences may even go beyond the generality of different books to the specifics of individual Lakotas or Lakota groups or bands. For example, the American Indian Science and Engineering Society, a group that uses the four directions and their corresponding colors to identify their organization, describes them this way:

  • White for north, for wisdom gained through winter stories
  • Red for east, and enlightenment
  • Yellow for south, and innocence
  • Black for the west, and its power

All the diversity is intensified by the fact that many a “sham shaman” contributes yet more spin on the issue.

So which is correct? How can you tell bogus interpretations from time honored ones? Well, you can’t.

The metaphysics and religion of the Lakota are as subjective as those of any religion. Maybe even more so because of the emphasis on individualism, i.e. one’s own vision. No where is this more true than among the Lakota holy people and interpreters. The variations in the colors for the directions can easily and readily differ from individual to individual, as each is guided specifically by their own visions. Perhaps humor is part of the spiritual picture as well, as Wakan Tanka no doubt would take delight in watching some people try as they might to codify the colors en masse while knowing that the information was attained in a highly specific and individual manner.

In accepting all interpretations as truth, it is easy to see that the spirits work in mysterious ways. Perhaps they also are trying to encourage a looser, more eastern way of looking at things rather than have something as central as the four directions fall to tendencies of codified and dogma-ridden western religions. Inconsistency may actually be the way to a fuller understanding of the Great Mystery.

If you have a desire to conform, however, it may be noted that the second set of correspondents listed above – white/north, red/east, yellow/south, black/west – seems to be seen in a majority of references. A sample of representative meanings for these corollaries might include:

  • The black west as the place where the rain originates, and a place that represents the end, or finality, as things done in the dark are final things. People with an affinity for the west may become heyoka, or sacred clown that does everything backwards or in a contrary manner. The bald eagle is associated with this direction
  • The white north offer a cleansing, purifying and strengthening power. Operating as winter does when it cleans the earth of the weak, the white north sends tests and teaches the courage, endurance and wisdom that comes with the trials of life. The white eagle is associated with this direction, and it is said that those who have a vision of the white eagle become healers.
  • The red east is a place where peace, light and new life rise up each day. Blood and birth are from the east. The spotted eagle, being all these things, represents this direction and its feathers are said to bring insight and visions.
  • The yellow south sees a sun that is strongest when facing this direction. The yellow south, like its representative bird, the golden eagle, stands for the peak of life, warmth, understanding and ability.

Lakota: The Circle

One of the most profound symbols in the Lakota culture is the circle. Being keen observers, the people realized the circle appears on many things no matter where you look in the world and beyond. The Sun is round. The Moon is round. The Earth is round. The seasons follow each other in a perpetual circle. And life itself is a circle, from birth to childhood to adulthood to old age to death, only to have another born to take the place of the one gone. It is for this seemingly endless circle of life that the Lakota sometimes call their existence “the hoop.”

Years ago, the living space within the tipi was round, made from a circle of poles. The tipis were set also in a larger circle, and when there were many people and many tipis, the homes were set a circle within a circle.

The words of Lame Deer on the subject of the circle…

With us the circle stands for the togetherness of people who sit with one another around a fire, relatives and friends united in peace, while the pipe passes from hand to hand. All the families in the village were in turn circles within a larger circle, part of the larger hoop of the nation. The nation was only a part of the universe, in itself circular…circles within circles within circles, with no beginning and no end. To us this is beautiful and fitting, symbol and reality at the same time, expressing the harmony of nature and life. Our circle is timeless, flowing; it is new life emerging from death – life winning out over death.

Aspects of everyday life embrace the circle. Art includes the image in many different medium. Dance is done in a circle. Games, tools, hunting and war strategies, adornment, many things, all based in the round.

The symbol of the circle also suggests the concept of family. The traditional Lakota family is called tiyospaye and includes extended family – aunts, uncles, grandfathers, grandmothers, cousins and friends that were “made family.” So one is a member of an immediate family, a broader circle of family and finally, the entire nation. Beyond that is the circle of the universe, which includes plants, animals, rocks, stars and all things, which also are considered “family.”

This circle can be seen as one cohesive, harmonious organism that can be summed up as “life.” The phrase “all my relatives” is common and heard often, and explains simply but profoundly the concept of interrelated being.

Lakota Metaphysics-Introduction

As with many a metaphysical topic, there often is much debate and contrary thought within the same principle. Extensive reading about any Indian culture’s religion or philosophy will no doubt bring forward differing views, to the extent that one elder or holy man may directly contradict another on any given topic.

This has become particularly true in the last few decades with the wave of cross-cultural interest in American Indians – a time when suddenly everyone and his uncle, Indian and non-Indian, is a “shaman” and writing books, teaching seminars and hosting sweat lodge on board cruise ships.

While individual spin is commonplace on the cusp of a new millennium, there are some general basic concepts that remain fairly universal, concepts that appear the purest among the elders teaching at the turn of the last century. Fortunately, some were very prolific. Lakotas like George Sword and George Bushotter wrote extensively in the Lakota language of their personal experience and others, like Thomas Tyon and Ivan Stars, interviewed nonliterate Lakotas to record their stories.

This, combined with Lakota narratives taken down by non-Indians such as James R. Walker, Edward Curtis, Frances Densmore, Aaron McGaffey Beede, Joseph Epes Brown and John G. Neihardt, who interviewed Oglala holy man Nicholas Black Elk extensively, give us a fair picture of things as they are without having been tampered with by egos or ulterior motives.

Our links labeled “Lakota” are intended as a brief introduction to some traditional concepts of Lakota belief and religion and are based largely in the sources named above and focus on the 19th and early 20th century teachings, rather than any contemporary writings. In these times religion was an integral part of day-to-day life.

Wovoka (Jack Wilson)

(c.1856-1932)


Wovoka was the Paiute mystic whose religious pronouncements spread the Ghost Dance among many tribes across the American West. HHe was known as the messiah to his followers.

Wovoka was born in Western Nevada, in what is now Esmeralda County, around 1856. At about the age of fourteen his father died, leaving Wovoka to be raised by the family of David Wilson, a nearby white rancher. Wovoka soon took the name Jack Wilson, by which he was broadly known among both neighboring whites and Indians. He worked on Wilson’s ranch well into adulthood, learned to speak English and was exposed to a fair amount of the Christian religion.

At around age thirty, Wovoka began to weave together various cultural strains into the Ghost Dance religion. He had a rich tradition of religious mysticism upon which to draw. Around 1870, a northern Paiute named Tavibo had prophesied that while all whites would be swallowed up by the earth, all dead Indians would emerge to enjoy a world free of their conquerors. He urged his followers to dance in circles, already a tradition in the Great Basin area, while singing religious songs. Tavibo’s movement spread to parts of Nevada, California and Oregon. Whether or not Tavibo was Wovoka’s father, as many at the time believed, in the late 1880 s Wovoka began to make similar prophecies. His pronouncements heralded the dawning of a new world, in which whites would vanish, leaving Indians to live in a land of material abundance, spiritual renewal and immortal life.

Wovoka’s prophecies stressed the link between righteous behavior and salvation which was not to be passively awaited but welcomed by a regime of ritual dancing and good moral conduct. Wovoka charged his followers to “not hurt anybody or do harm to anyone. You must not fight. Do right always… Do not refuse to work for the whites and do not make any trouble with them.” And while the Ghost Dance was sometimes viewed as an expression of Indian militancy and the desire to preserve traditional ways, Wovoka’s pronouncements actually bore great similarities to Christian beliefs: invocation of a “Supreme Being,” immortality, pacifism and explicit mentions of Jesus (such as “the messiah who came once to live on earth with the white man but was killed by them”).

The Ghost Dance spread throughout much of the West, especially among the more recently defeated Indians of the Great Plains. In 1889 the Lakota sent a delegation to visit Wovoka. This group brought the Ghost Dance back to their reservations, where believers made sacred shirts — said to be bullet-proof, especially for the Dance.

The slaughter of Big Foot’s band at Wounded Knee Creek in 1890 was proof that whites were not about to simply vanish as stated in Wovoka’s prophecy. Wovoka quickly lost his notoriety and lived as Jack Wilson until sometime in 1932.

Tecumseh

Shawnee Indian
(March 1768 – October 5, 1813)


His name comes from Tekooms?, meaning “Shooting Star” and it’s believed that he was born on March 9, 1768 outside of the current town of Xenia, Ohio, to the Panther clan of Shawnee. Tecumseh, (also spelled Tecumtha or Tekamthi), was a Shawnee leader who spent much of his life trying to rally various Indian tribes into a confederation for the mutual defense of their lands. This endeavor eventually led to his death in the War of 1812.

Tecumseh’s father, Pucksinwah, a Shawnee war chief, died at the Battle of Point Pleasant during Lord Dunmore’s War in 1774. Fearing the encroaching white settlers, many Shawnees, including Tecumseh’s mother, Methoataske ,moved westward first to Indiana, then Illinois, and finally to Missouri. Tecumseh, only eleven years old at the time, remained in Ohio and was raised by his eldest brother, Chiksika, and his sister, Tecumpease.

Tecumseh, the Warrior

Tecumseh was trained by Chiksika to become a warrior and his first military encounter occurred against an army led by George Rogers Clark into the Ohio Country in 1782. But, Tecumseh panicked and fled the battlefield. Humiliated by the experience, Tecumseh swore he’d never run again. He grew into a brave warrior and eventually became a Shawnee leader who fought against the army of Arthur St. Clair in 1791. The Indians in the Northwest Territory were victorious. Tecumseh soon became one of the most trusted leaders of the Shawnees, admired greatly by younger braves because of his call for violent resistance against further white settlement of native land.

The Indians, however, were not so successful against the army of Anthony Wayne in 1794. At the Battle of Fallen Timbers, Wayne’s men defeated the Natives, including Tecumseh. Many Indians believed relinquishing much of their land was the only way to appease the whites, so most tribes living in Ohio signed the Treaty of Greeneville in 1795. Under this agreement the Native Americans gave up all of their land except the northwestern corner of present-day Ohio. Not all Indians agreed with their tribes’ actions and Tecumseh was among them.

Indian Confederacy
By the early 1800s, Tecumseh decided that the best way to stop white advancement was to form a confederacy of Indian tribes west of the Appalachian Mountains. He believed that no single tribe owned the land and that it would require all tribes together to turn land over to the whites. He also believed that, if the Indians united together, they would have a better chance militarily against the whites. In attempt to gather up his forces in a unified front, Tecumseh visited most Indian tribes west of the Appalachian Mountains between Canada and the Gulf of Mexico.

His Brother – The Prophet

In 1805, Tecumseh’s younger brother, Tenskwatawa, who was known as ‘the Prophet’, helped Tecumseh to unite the Indians. Tenskwatawa urged natives to reject the ways of the whites, and to refrain from ceding any more lands to the United States. His religious teachings became widely known as did his predictions. Tenskwatawa had a vision where the Master of Life, the Shawnee Indians’ primary god, told him to have the Indians give up all white customs and products, including their religious beliefs and agricultural practices, as well as guns, iron cookware, and alcohol. By turning their backs on Indian traditional ways, he said, they had offended the Master of Life and if they returned to their native customs, they would be rewarded by the whites being driven from the land. Opposing Tenskwatawa was the Shawnee leader Black Hoof, who was working to maintain a peaceful relationship with the United States. By 1808, however, tensions with white settlers and Black Hoof’s Shawnees compelled Tenskwatawa and Tecumseh to move further northwest and establish the village of Prophetstown near the confluence of the Wabash and Tippecanoe Rivers where they were joined by other Natives who supported the Prophet’s message.

Ceding of Indian Lands

In September 1809, William Henry Harrison, governor of the newly formed Indiana Territory, negotiated the Treaty of Fort Wayne in which a delegation of half-starved Indians ceded 3 million acres of Native American lands to the United States. Harrison was under orders from Washington to negotiate with Indians that claimed the lands that they were ceding. However, he disregarded those orders, as none of the Indians he met with lived on the lands that they ceded. Tecumseh’s opposition to the treaty marked his emergence as a prominent leader. Tecumseh insisted that the Fort Wayne treaty was illegal; he asked Harrison to nullify it, and warned that Americans should not attempt to settle on the lands sold in the treaty.

In 1811 Tecumseh again met with Harrison at Grouseland, Harrison’s Vincennes, Indiana, home to try to resolve the situation, but Harrison as Governor had made it his primary goal to acquire as much Indian Land as he could. Tecumseh told Harrison that the Shawnee and their Native American brothers wanted to remain at peace with the United States but these differences had to be resolved. Tecumseh knowing only solidarity of the tribes would convince Washington, then traveled south, on a mission to recruit allies among those Indians who were at the time called the “Five Civilized Tribes.” Most of the southern nations rejected his appeals, but a faction among the Creeks, who came to be known as the Red Sticks, answered his call to arms, leading to the Creek War.

Attack on Phophetstown

That same year, on November 6, Harrison, noting the growing number of Indians congregating at Prophetstown led an army towards the village. Tecumseh was not there at the time because he was recruiting Indian allies in the southern part of the United States. He left his brother with orders not to attack the Americans. But, The Prophet claimed to have received another vision from the Master of Life. In this vision, he said he was told to send his warriors against the Americans ad that The Master of Life also said that the soldiers’ bullets would not harm any Indians. The battle that ensued became known as the Battle of Tippecanoe. The Americans defeated Tenskwatawa and his followers, and Prophetstown was destroyed. Although Harrison ( “Old Tippecanoe”) lost more men in this battle than the Indians, he held ground and it was a victory that would eventually lead to his becoming the President of the United States

Tecumseh’s Confederation became even more weakened by this defeat. He had trouble convincing tribes to put aside their traditional differences to unite as one against the Americans. Other Indians, including some Shawnees led by Black Hoof, had actually adopted white customs and had no desire to give them up.

The War of 1812: Tecumseh’s Death
During the War of 1812, Tecumseh and his remaining followers allied themselves with the British. His hope was that, if the English won, that they would return the Indians’ land to them. Battles were fought along Lake Erie, in Detroit and into Canada along the Thames River near Chatham. Harrison crossed into Upper Canada on October 5, 1813. A combined English-Indian force met the American army led by Harrison, but the British soldiers ran from the battlefield, leaving Tecumseh and his Indian followers to fight on their own. The Americans drove the natives from the battlefield and won the Battle of the Thames. Tecumseh was killed, and shortly after the battle the tribes of his confederacy surrendered to Harrison at Detroit.

In 1836-37, in part because of reports that it was he who had killed Tecumseh, Richard Mentor Johnson was elected vice-president of the United States, to serve with Martin Van Buren.

Tecumseh is honoured in Canada as a hero and military commander who played a major role in Canada’s successful repulsion of an American invasion in the War of 1812. This eventually led to Canada’s nationhood half a century later. Among the tributes, Tecumseh is ranked 37th in The Greatest Canadian list. He is also honoured by a massive portrait which hangs in the Royal Canadian Military Institute.

Sitting Bull

Tatanka-Iyotanka (1831-1890)


Sitting Bull is a name in history most people can recall. He was a leader and holy man of the Hunkpapa Lakota (Hunkpapa, one of the seven bands of the Lakota/Sioux).

At the time the threat of white Europeans encroaching on land that had quietly supported the Lakota for centuries was great. Passive resistance had proven futile and treaties had been shown to be a string of government promises broken. For these reasons, Sitting Bull was instrumental in leading his people in acts of defense to preserve their way of life on the northern plains of the U.S. territories.

He remained committed to his position against the U.S. military and the lies and promises of the U.S. government through his dying day.

It is believed Sitting Bull was born along the banks of the Grand River in Dakota Territory. He was politically inclined early, as a leader of a warrior society and also as a member of a brotherhood dedicated to tribal welfare.

It was just a matter of time before Sitting Bull was at war with U.S. soldiers. His first altercation came in June of 1863 in defense of the army, which set out to suppress all plains people in response to a Santee Dakota uprising in Minnesota. One battle seemed to follow another, and by 1868 Sitting Bull’s capacity for bravery and strategy brought him to the head of the Lakota nation.

The Black Hills of South Dakota are sacred lands to the Lakota, so when a mine survey expedition led by George Armstrong Custer in 1974 announced there was gold in the Black Hills there was bound to be trouble because the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868 had guaranteed the preservation of the land and banned white settlement in the area. Custer’s announcement brought prospectors in droves, breaking the treaty and forcing the Lakota to defend what the government itself had deemed theirs. To try to remedy the problem, the government, illustrating a total lack of understanding of the Indian belief system, offered to buy the Black Hills. When that failed, all Lakota were ordered onto reservations by the end of 1876 or be considered “hostile Indians.” Sitting Bull and his people had no intention of leaving.

The year that followed saw many battles. During ceremony before one battle, Sitting Bull had a vision that showed soldiers falling into his camp like grasshoppers falling from the sky. Later, Sitting Bull was joined by Crazy Horse and his band of Lakota, Cheyenne and Arapaho – 3000 warriors in all, so when Custer attacked the camp at Little Big Horn he was badly outnumbered and his soldiers fell much like Sitting Bull had envisioned.

The army’s defeat only lead to a greater army presence, and they chased the Lakota relentlessly for the next year. Many chiefs surrendered, but Sitting Bull remained defiant. In May 1877 he led his band across the border into Canada, beyond the reach of the army, and when General Terry traveled north to offer him a pardon in exchange for settling on a reservation, Sitting Bull defiantly sent him away. Within four years however, with buffalo long gone, Sitting Bull returned and surrendered. None of his simple requests were honored, and he was sent to Standing Rock Reservation where it was felt he could be contained and kept from prompting any further uprisings. Still not secure, the government sent him to Fort Randall on the Missouri River where he was held as a prisoner of war. Moved back to Standing Rock, he was chided and tormented by the agent in charge, but not deterred.

Sitting Bull was allowed to leave the reservation in 1885 to join Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show, but remained with the troupe only four months because he could not stand such intense proximity to white society. Back at Standing Rock, Sitting Bull lived in a cabin on the Grand River, near where he had been born. He refused to give up his old ways as the reservation rules required, continuing to live with nis two wives and rejecting Christianity, though he sent his children to a nearby Christian school in the belief that the next generation of Lakota would need to be able to read and write.

Soon after his return, Sitting Bull had another mystical vision, like the one that had foretold Custer’s defeat. This time he saw a meadowlark alight on a hillock beside him, and heard it say, “Your own people, Lakotas, will kill you.” Nearly five years later, this vision also proved true. Word was traveling fast through the plains of the Ghost Dance, which would rid the area of whites forever. In 1890, fearful that Sitting Bull, still considered a leader of his people, would join the Ghost Dance movement, Lakota police who worked for the agent were sent to arrest him. As followers gathered to protect Sitting Bull, a gunfight began and a member of the Lakota police shot Sitting Bull in the head. He was buried at Fort Yates, North Dakota but in 1953 his remains were moved to Mobridge, South Dakota.

He is remembered among the Lakota as many things, including inspirational leader, courageous warrior, loving father, gifted singer and warm friend to many, whose spirituality provided him prophetic insight and lent special power to his prayers.

Short Bull

Sioux Indian (c 1845 – 1915)


Short Bull, a member of the Sioux tribe, was born in about 1845. He was a warrior who fought at the Battle of the Little Big Horn, and a medicine man who brought the Ghost Dance religion to the Lakotas.

After the murder of Sitting Bull and the events that led up to Wounded Knee Massacre Short Bull was imprisoned at Fort Sheridan, Illinois.

In 1891 Short Bull was released from custody and he was permitted to join Buffalo Bill Cody and his Wild West Show. He remained for several years and made several trips to Europe.

Through many miscalculations by federal and army officials, the Ghost Dance religion resulted in the Wounded Knee Massacre in 1890. After the Massacre, Short Bull was sent to serve a prison term at Ft. Sheridan, near Chicago. Because they wanted to remove the Ghost Dance leaders’ influence, the federal government agreed to Buffalo Bill Cody’s request that the prisoners be released (1891) to tour with Cody in his Wild West show. Short Bull toured with the show in Europe and the United States over the next two years.

In 1894, Short Bull was invited by Thomas Edison to appear along with Annie Oakley in a film utilizing the kinetograph, the prototype of a movie camera. In 1893, Buffalo Bill Cody utilized Short Bull as an actor and a consultant in making a film that re-enacted the Wounded Knee Massacre.

Around the turn of the century many American and European ethnologists undertook research to preserve information on tribal languages, culture, history, and religious practices. Short Bull was a source to a number of these ethnologists who recorded his recollections through recorded conversations and his pictographs. There are pictographs in museums in the United States, France and Germany. Short Bull died on the Rosebud Reservation in South Dakota in 1915.

Sequoyah


Cherokee Indian (1776 – 1843)

This great Cherokee Indian gave his people the enduring gift of a writing system so that the greatness of the Cherokee Nation would live forever. Never before, had one man, not literate in any language, perfected a system for reading and writing a language.

Sequoyah was a silversmith by trade who was also known as George Gist.

In recognition of his contributions, the Cherokee Nation awarded Sequoyah a silver medal created in his honor and a lifetime literary pension. He continued to serve Cherokee people as a statesman and diplomat until his death.


Background

The exact place and date of Sequoyah Gist’s birth is unknown, although it is believed that he spent his early years with his mother in the village of Tuskegee, Tennessee.

The names Sequoyah or Sequoia are both spellings given by missionaries, said to be as corruptions of the Cherokee name Sogwali or Sikwâ’y?, derived from the Cherokee word siqua meaning ‘hog’. This is either a reference to a childhood deformity or a later injury that left him disabled.

His mother, Wut-teh, was a daughter of a Cherokee Chief. Hs father was Nathaniel Gist, a Virginia fur trader.

Sequoyah married a Cherokee and had a family. At some point before 1809, he moved to the Willstown of Alabama where he established his trade as a silversmith.

Sequoyah and other Cherokees enlisted on the side of the United States under General Andrew Jackson to fight the British troops and the Creek Indians in the war of 1812.

Although Sequoyah was exposed to the concept of writing early in his life, he never learned the English alphabet. Unlike the white soldiers, he and the other Cherokees were not able to write letters home, read military orders, or record events as they occurred. After the war, he began in earnest to create a writing system for the Cherokees.

As a silversmith, he dealt regularly with whites who had settled in the area. Often, Native Americans were impressed by their writing, referring to their correspondence as “talking leaves”. Around 1809, Sequoyah began work to create a system of writing for the Cherokee language.

When he returned home after the war, he began to make the symbols that could make words and finally reduced the thousands of Cherokee thoughts to 85 symbols representing sounds. He made a game of this new writing systems and taught his little girl Ayoka how to make the symbols. At first, he attempted to create a character for each word, but he then decided to divide each word into syllables and create one character for each syllable. Utilizing the Roman alphabet and quite possibly the Cyrillic alphabet, he created his 85 characters to represent the various syllables. This work took Sequoyah 12 years to complete (see image of the Cherokee Syllabary).

In 1821, in order to prove the value of his creation to his fellow Cherokee, Sequoyah taught his daughter Ah-yo-ka how to read and write in Cherokee. After amazing locals with his new writing, Sequoyah attempted to display his feat to tribal medicine men only to be rebuffed by them for being possessed by evil spirits. Sequoyah finally proved his feat to a gathering of Chickamaugan warriors and news of the syllabary quickly spread. Cherokee were filling schools in order to learn the new written language. By 1823 the syllabary was in full use by the Cherokee Nation. The writing system was made official in 1825, by which time, much of the Bible and numerous hymns had been translated into Cherokee.

Sequoyah walked to the new Cherokee territory in Arkansas in 1825. There he set up a blacksmith shop and a salt works. He continued to teach the syllabary to anyone who came to him.

By 1828 they were publishing the “Cherokee Phoenix,” the first national bi-lingual newspaper, along with religious pamphlets, educational materials and legal documents.

Cherokee Syllabary

In the same year, Sequoyah journeyed to Washington, D.C. as part of a delegation to negotiate a treaty for land in Oklahoma. He made contact with representatives of other Native American tribes from around the nation. With these meetings he decided to create a syllabary for universal use among all Native American tribes. With this in mind, Sequoyah began to journey to areas of present day Arizona and New Mexico seeking tribes there. It was on a trip seeking Cherokees who had moved to Mexico that he died between 1843 and 1845. His exact burial location is unknown.

In recognition of his contributions, the Cherokee Nation awarded Sequoyah a silver medal.

Sacagawea

Shoshone Indian (c. 1790-1812 or 1884)


Sacagawea was a legendary figure in the history of the American West because of her indispensible role on the Lewis and Clark Expedition.

She was the daughter of a Shoshone chief who was kidnapped by the Hidatsa when she was about ten years old. She was living in their village on the upper Missouri when she and another captive girl were purchased and wed to a French Canadian trapper by the name of Toussaint Charbonneau.

In 1804, when Lewis and Clark engaged Charbonneau as an interpreter for their expedition, it was with the understanding that Sacagawea would also accompany them. Her value to them was not just as another interpreter but as an amabassador of sorts to Indians they would encounter along the way. Clark described her presence in his journal this way: “a woman with a party of men is a token of peace.”

Eight weeks before Lewis and Clark set out from the their encampment, Sacagawea gave birth to her first child, a son named Jean Baptiste Charbonneau. Clark referred to the child as “Pomp” or “Pompey”. The expedition called the “Corps of Discovery” headed upriver in April, 1805 with Sacagawea carrying her infant on a cradleboard.

Four months into their travels, when the expedition had reached the navigable limits of the Missouri, Lewis made contact with a Shoshone Indian band. He was hoping to secure horses to help them cross the mountains. When Sacagawea arrived as interpreter, she discoverd that the band was led by her older brother, Cameahwait, who had become chief on their father’s death. Despite having a clear opportunity to use this happy reunion as a means to return to her people, Sacagawea instead helped Lewis and Clark secure the horses they needed and then continued as their interpreter-guide forward to the Pacific.

On the return journey, Sacagawea and her husband Charbonneau separated from Lewis and Clark at a Hidatsa village on the upper Missouri. It is at this point in the the historical record that little is known of their lives.

Charbonneau traveled to St. Louis at the invitation of William Clark, who had grown fond of Charbonneau’s young son, and tried to induce Charbonneau to settle there. The visit proved not to be too successful, though, as Charbonneau soon returned to trapping, leaving son Pompey in Clark’s care. Charbonneau worked for the American Fur Company.

It is not known whether Sacagawea accompanied her husband to St. Louis. Some evidence indicates that she did then returned to the upper Missouri with her husband where she died in late 1812 during an epidemic of “putrid fever”. Other accounts say that Sacagawea ultimately rejoined the Shoshone on their Wind River reservation and died there in 1884.

Red Cloud

Ogala Makhpiya-Luta Indian (1822-1909)


Red Cloud’s success in confrontations with the United States government marked him as a warrior and a statesman and certainly one of the most important Lakota leaders of the nineteenth century.

Red Cloud was born near what is now North Platte, Nebraska. His mother was an Oglala and his father, who died in Red Cloud’s youth, was a Brulé. Red Cloud was raised in the household of his maternal uncle, Chief Smoke.

Much of Red Cloud’s early life was spent at war, most often against the neighboring Pawnee and Crow and at times against other Oglala. In 1841 he killed one of his uncle’s primary rivals, an event which divided the Oglala for the next fifty years. He gained prominence within the Lakota nation for his leadership in territorial wars against the Pawnees, Crows, Utes and Shoshones.

Beginning in 1866, Red Cloud orchestrated the most successful war against the United States ever fought by an Indian nation. The army had begun to construct forts along the Bozeman Trail, which ran through the heart of Lakota territory in present-day Wyoming to the Montana gold fields from Colorado’s South Platte River. As caravans of miners and settlers began to cross the Lakota’s land, Red Cloud was haunted by the vision of Minnesota’s expulsion of the Eastern Lakota in 1862 and 1863. So he launched a series of assaults on the forts, most notably the crushing defeat of Lieutenant Colonel William Fetterman’s column of eighty men just outside Fort Phil Kearny, Wyoming, in December of 1866. The garrisons were kept in a state of exhausting fear of further attacks through the rest of the winter.

Red Cloud’s strategies were so successful that by 1868 the United States government had agreed to the Fort Laramie Treaty. The treaty’s remarkable provisions mandated that the United States abandon its forts along the Bozeman Trail and guarantee the Lakota their possession of what is now the Western half of South Dakota, including the Black Hills, along with much of Montana and Wyoming.

The peace, of course, did not last. Custer’s 1874 Black Hills expedition again brought war to the northern Plains, a war that would mean the end of independent Indian nations. For reasons which are not entirely clear, Red Cloud did not join Crazy Horse, Sitting Bull and other war leaders in the Lakota War of 1876-77. However, after the military defeat of the Lakota nation, Red Cloud continued to fight for the needs and autonomy of his people, even if in less obvious or dramatic ways than waging war.

Throughout the 1880s Red Cloud struggled with Pine Ridge Indian Agent Valentine McGillycuddy over the distribution of government food and supplies and the control of the Indian police force. He was eventually successful in securing McGillycuddy’s dismissal. Red Cloud cultivated contacts with sympathetic Eastern reformers, especially Thomas A. Bland, and was not above pretending for political effect to be more acculturated to white ways than he actually was.

Fearing the Army’s presence on his reservation, Red Cloud refrained from endorsing the Ghost Dance movement, and unlike Sitting Bull and Big Foot, he escaped the Army’s occupation unscathed. Thereafter he continued to fight to preserve the authority of chiefs such as himself, opposed leasing Lakota lands to whites, and vainly fought allotment of Indian reservations into individual tracts under the 1887 Dawes Act. He died in 1909, a testiment to the variety of ways in which Indians resisted their conquest. (bio courtesy pbs)

Chief Powhatan

c. June 17, 1547 – c. 1618


Powhatan was the leader, or chief, of the Powhatan federation of Indians, a group of some thirty tribes, that occupied Virginia in the early seventeenth century.

His proper name was Wahunsenacawh and he was the father of Pocahontas. The Powhatan (also spelled Powatan and Powhaten) spoke an Algonquian language. The sketch to the right was taken from one of John Smith’s journals.

Location
Powhatan was actually the name of one of the towns where Wahunsenacawh lived, in the east end of the city of Richmond, Virginia. It was also the name of the adjacent river which today is called the James River. When he created a powerful empire by conquering most of Tidewater Virginia, he called himself the “Powhatan”, which is actually a title rather than his given name.

Chief Powhatan was apprehensive about the arrival of English settlers. When Captain Christopher Newport arrived with his three ships, the Chesapeake Indians of the Cape Henry region, drove a landing party back to the ships. About a week after the initial attack, Newport took a small boat up the river on a reconnoitering, get-acquainted mission, stopping at various Indian villages.

It was then that Newport learned that Powhatan ruled the whole area above Jamestown. Thinking that the Chesapeakes who had initially driven them back to the boats were not under Powhatan’s control, Newport attempted to make an alliance against them with a local chief he mistook for Powhatan. Before the Jamestown settlers could complete their fort, 200 Paspaheghs, a tribe of the Powhatans that lived near the juncture of the James and Chickahominy rivers, attacked them, killing onel and wounding eleven other colonists.

Pocahontas & Captain John Smith
During the early years of the English colony, the Powhatans conducted several small-scale raids against the fort. In 1608 Powhatan’s brother, Openchancanough, captured Captain John Smith and brought him back to Powhatan’s main village, Werowocomoco. Powhatan had already become acquainted with Smith in his previous bargaining for corn and other provisions. Smith claimed that he was tried before Chief Powhatan and sentenced to death but that his life was spared by the intercession of Powhatan’s daughter Pocahontas. Some have disputed this account, alleging that Powhatan staged a mock trial and deliberately planned the rescue for his own purposes. Whatever Powhatan’s intentions, he did permit Smith to return to Jamestown.

Powhatan did exhibit some trust of the settler when he allowed his sons and daughter, Pocahontas, to travel to and from the settlement. The English needed the Indians for their corn, venison, and fish. But the relationship was a rocky one. Captain Newport, for example, in a well-intentioned gesture managed to upset the Indians when he decided to stage an elaborate coronation ceremony for Powhatan in an attempt to cement the friendship between the two groups. Powhatan was a proud and respected leader, the equivalent of an English king already.

Powhatan Coronation
Unaware of Indian customs and Powhatan’s high standing among his own people, the settlers added insult to injury by requesting that the coronation take place in Jamestown. Powhatan wanted the ceremony in his own village of Werowocomoco where he ususally received tributes. Newport, Smith and several other colonists traveled to Werowocomoco to take part in the celebration but as it turned out, neither party quite understood what was going on. The settlers thought they were crowning a king while the Indians believed they were receiving tribute from their subjects. Powhatan, in the end, received the gifts sent by King James which included a canopy bed and scarlet cloak.

War
Despite this seeming friendship, Powhatan continued to observe the English warily and his warriors still harassed the colonists with small-scale attacks. Although the colonists eventually planted their own corn, they remained dependent upon the Indians to ensure that they would have enough provisions, especially in the lean winter months. Powhatan continued to trade but his terms became stiffer. By the time Smith left Virginia in 1609, the fragile peace frayed badly, leading to the First Anglo-Powhatan War, and further English expansion beyond Jamestown and into Powhatan’s territory. Two subtribes, the Kecoughtan and the Paspahegh, were effectively destroyed at the beginning of the war, and Powhatan sent the Nemattanew to operate against the English on the upper James River, though they held out at Henricus.

Pocahontas Kidnapped

In 1613, the Englishmen kidnapped his daughter Pocahontas in order to get back some of their own people taken in prior attacks. The settlers offered a prisoner exchange and Powhatan complied but he refused to return the weapons he had stolen. Powhatan ordered the governor to treat his daughter well and seemed content to allow her to remain among the English. Later that same year Pocahontas asked permission from her father to marry the colonist John Rolfe, a leading tobacco planter. Powhatan agreed.

Powhatan Death
Upon the death of Chief Powhatan in 1618, his younger brother Opitchapam officially became paramount chief, however the real regime now effectively belonged to Opechancanough, younger brother to both of them. In the Indian Massacre of 1622, and again in 1644, he attempted to force the English from Virginia. These attempts invited strong reprisals from the English, ultimately resulting in the near destruction of the tribe.

Through his daughter Pocahontas (and her marriage to the English colonist John Rolfe), he was the grandfather of Thomas Rolfe. The Rolfe family is considered one of the First Families of Virginia, one with both English and Native American roots.

Chief Powhatan’s first known chief village, Werowocomoco, is an archaeological site in Gloucester County, Virginia which has been listed as a National Historic Site and Powhatan’s burial mound is allegedly located on the Pamunkey Indian Reservation in Virginia.

Pocahontas

(c. 1595 – March 21 1617)

Pocahontas was the daughter of Powhatan (also known as Wahunsenacawh), the powerful chief of the Algonquian Indians in the Tidewater region of Virginia. She was born around 1595 and was named Matoaka, though she is better known as Pocahontas, which means “Little Wanton,” a playful, frolicsome child. She married an Englishman, John Rolfe, and became a celebrity in London in the last year of her life. After her baptism, she went by the name Rebecca and upon her marriage to Rolfe, she became known as Lady Rebecca.

In April 1607, when the English colonists arrived in Virginia and began building settlements, Pocahontas was around the age of 12-14 years old. A leading colonist, John Smith, recounted that he was captured by a group of Powhatan hunters and brought to Werowocomoco, one of the chief villages of the Powhatan Empire. He said he was laid across a stone and was about to be executed, when Pocahontas threw herself across his body to save his life. This version was met with skepticism due to conflicting dates in his historical accounts; some experts suggested that the “rescue” was part of a Powhatan ritual although there is no evidence for any similar rituals among other North American tribes.

Regardless, this encounter initiated a friendship with Smith and the Jamestown colony, and Pocahontas along with a few of her brothers, would often come to the settlement to play. She also brought the settlers provisions to stave off winter hunger. As the colonists expanded further, however, some of the Native Americans felt their lands were threatened, and conflicts arose again.

Association with John Smith

In 1608, Pocahontas is said to have saved Smith a second time. Smith and some other colonists were invited to Werowocomoco by Chief Powhatan on friendly terms. They were treated kindly and traded with the Indians, but missed the tide and had to spend the night. That night, Pocahontas came to Smith’s hut and told him that her father was planning to send men with food who would kill them when they put down their weapons to eat. She had been told not to inform them, but she begged the Englishmen to leave. The English kept their weapons close by them even while eating, and no attack came.

In 1609, an injury from a gunpowder explosion forced Smith to return to England for medical care. The English told the natives Smith was dead after being captured and taken aboard a French pirate ship. The ship then had been wrecked on the Brittany coast, and it had gone down with all hands Pocahontas believed Smith was dead until she arrived in England several years later, the wife of John Rolfe.

In March 1613, Pocahontas was residing at Passapatanzy, a village of the Patawomecks, a Native American tribe that did some trading with Powhatans. They lived on the Potomac River near Fredericksburg, about 65 miles from Werowocomoco. She was captured by two English colonists, and held for ransom in exchange for some English prisoners held by Chief Powhatan, along with various weapons and tools the Powhatans had stolen. Powhatan returned the prisoners, but not the weapons until a long standoff ensued.

During the year-long wait, Pocahontas was kept at Henricus, in modern-day Chesterfield County, Virginia. While there, an English minister taught her about Christianity and helped to improve her English. After she was baptized, her name was changed to Rebecca.

In March 1614, the standoff built to a violent confrontation between hundreds of English and Powhatan men on the Pamunkey River. The English permitted Pocahontas to talk to her countrymen; however, according to the deputy governor, Thomas Dale, Pocahontas was upset that her father had not been among the senior chiefs sent to do battle with the English. As a result, she claimed that if she were to be valued “less than old swords, pieces, or axes” that she would prefer to live with the English.

Marriage to John Rolfe
During her stay in Henricus, Pocahontas met John Rolfe, a successful tobacco farmer, whose English-born wife had died. John Rolfe was a very religious man who agonized over the decision to marry a “strange wife,” a heathen Indian. He finally decided to marry Pocahontas after she had been converted to Christianity, “for the good of the plantation, the honor of our country, for the glory of God, for mine own salvation …” Pocahontas was baptized and christened Rebecca. She married John Rolfe on April 5, 1614. A general peace and a spirit of goodwill between the English and the Indians resulted from this marriage.

For a few years after the marriage, the couple lived together at Rolfe’s plantation, Varina Farms, which was located across the James River from the new community of Henricus. They had a child, Thomas Rolfe, born on January 30, 1615. Their marriage did not win back the English captives, but it created a climate of peace between the Jamestown colonists and Powhatan’s tribes for several years.

Pocahontas - English photoEngland and Death

The Virginia Colony’s sponsors found it difficult to lure new colonists and investors to Jamestown. They used Pocahontas as an enticement and as evidence to convince people in Europe that the New World’s natives could be tamed.

In June 1616, the Rolfes traveled to England, arriving at the port of Plymouth on the June 12th. They were accompanied by a group of around eleven other Powhatan natives including Tomocomo, a holy man. John Smith was living in London at the time, and in Plymouth, Pocahontas learned he was still alive. Smith did not meet Pocahontas at this point, but he wrote a letter to Queen Anne urging Pocahontas be treated with respect. And so she was. The arrival of Pocahontas in London was well publicized and while there is no evidence that Pocahontas was formally presented to King James and his court, she was introduced to him at a ball, and she met the best of London’s high society.

In March 1617, Rolfe and Pocahontas boarded a ship to return to Virginia. But she had only had only gotten as far as Gravesend on the River Thames when she became ill. She was taken ashore and died. Pneumonia or tuberculosis were likely causes, although smallpox had also been suggested. Her funeral took place on March 21, 1617 and she was buried in a churchyard in Gravesend, England. She was 22 years old. Pocahontas is commemorated there with a life-size bronze statue at St George’s Church.

Descendants
Pocahontas and Rolfe had one child, Thomas Rolfe, who was born in Virginia in 1615 before his parents left for England. Through this son Pocahontas has many descendants. Many First Families of Virginia trace their roots to Pocahontas and Chief Powhatan, including such notable individuals as Edith Wilson, wife of Woodrow Wilson; George Wythe Randolph; Admiral Richard Byrd; Virginia Governor Harry Flood Byrd; fashion-designer and socialite Pauline de Rothschild; former First-Lady Nancy Reagan; and astronomer and mathematician Percival Lowell.

Chief Looking Glass

Nez Percé Allalimya Takanin Indian
(c.1832-1877)


The son of a prominent Nez Percé chief, Looking Glass was born around 1832 in what is now western Montana. Although he bitterly resented white encroachments on his ancestral lands, he opposed going to war with the United States over its plans to force his people onto the small reservation assigned to them at Lapwai, Idaho.

When the Nez Percé and the U.S. Army first clashed at Whitebird Canyon on June 17, 1877, Looking Glass was already living on the Lapwai reservation, as he had agreed to do. Nevertheless, General Oliver Howard believed that Looking Glass would soon join the fighting, and he sent a detachment of troops to arrest him. Howard’s plans backfired, however, for Looking Glass eluded arrest and fled the reservation to join Chef Joseph and his fugitive band just as Howard had feared.

For both better and worse, the Nez Percé flight bore the mark of Looking Glass’ leadership. A respected battlefield commander, he convinced the band to flee to Montana, despite Joseph’s opposition, and then persuaded them to stop at Big Hole, where he incorrectly believed they would be free from attack. After soldiers under the command of Colonel John Gibbon surprised the Nez Percé there on August 9, inflicting heavy casualties, Looking Glass lost much of his prestige as a military leader.

Nearly two months later, when the Nez Percé were finally surrounded by Colonel Nelson A. Miles’ troops in Northern Montana’s Bearpaw mountains, Looking Glass remained stubbornly opposed to surrender. By this time, however, Chief Joseph had concluded that surrender was the only viable option, and on October 5, he rode out to hand over his rifle. That same day, Looking Glass set out to join Sitting Bull’s band in Canada, but before he could make it to the border, he was killed by a Cheyenne scout. (bio courtesy of pbs)

Chief Keokuk

Sauk Indian
(c 1780-1848)


Chief Keokuk (Kiyo`kaga, ‘one who moves about alert’ ) of the Sauk tribe in central North America was one of the men responsible for starting the Black Hawk War.

He was a member of the Fox clan, born on Rock river, Illinois. He was not a chief by birth, but rose to command through ability and force of character. At an early age he became a member of the Sauk council and later stepped into prominence as a tribal guest-keeper. His lodge soon became a center for all social and political affairs and Keokuk was able to use his office to further his own ambitions. He worked his will against custom in veiled, diplomatic ways, secretly playing one faction against another. In time he became the leading councilor in the Sauk assembly, and enjoyed great popularity among his people.

On July 15, 1830, U.S. Indian Comissioner William Clark signed a treaty with Saulk and Fox which ceded over 26-million acres of Sauk land east of the Mississippi to the government of the United States. It also created a neutral gound boundary between the Sauk and Foxes and their traditional enemies, the Sioux. The treaty was signed by Keokuk, and in November 1830 was approved by the Dakota Sioux. In the spring of 1830, when Black Hawk and his followers returned from their hunt, they found white settlers occupying their village. Black Hawk had not sanctioned the sale of this land and was determined to regain the village. This was the instigation of the 1832 Black Hawk war.

Those of the Sauk who favored a call to arms turned to Black Hawk who became their leader. Black Hawk was of the Thunder clan (Black-big-chest). Thus the political union between the Sauk and the Foxes was broken. The fighting began before Black Hawk was ready, and he was forced to charge with only a small number of those on whose support he had depended. With his depleted forces he could not successfully contend against the Illinois militia and their Indian allies.

Keokuk loomed up again during the final negotiations growing out of the war, and played so deftly into the hands of the Government officials that he was made chief of the Sauk, an action that aroused great anger and contempt by Black Hawk. When Keokuk became chief of the Sauk he was generally ridiculed by both Sauk and Foxes because he was not of the ruling clan. But there was one occasion in which he was honored. In the city of Washington, in debate with the representatives of the Sioux and other tribes before Government officials, he established the claim of the Sauk and Foxes to the territory comprised in what is now the state of Iowa. He based this claim primarily on conquest.

On his death from dysentery, in April 1848 in Kansas, where he had moved three years earlier, the chieftainship, with its unsavory associations, went to his son, Moses Keokuk (Wunagisäa, ‘he leaps up quickly from his lair’). Those who knew both father and son maintain that the son was superior in both intellect and ethics.

In 1883 the remains of the elder Keokuk were removed from Kansas to Keokuk, Iowa, where they were reinterred in the city park and a monument erected over his grave by the citizens of the town.

Hiawatha

Mohawk Indian (He-Who-Makes-Rivers)

Hiawatha was a statesman, reformer, lawgiver, shaman, and great unifier who lived around 1570. He is celebrated as one of the founders of the League of the Iroquois, the Confederation of Five Nations. Later, in 1721, the Tuscarora nation joined the Iroquois confederacy, and they became the Six Nations.

A follower of The Great Peacemaker (Dekanawida) Hiawatha was a skilled statesman and charismatic orator who was instrumental in persuading the Iroquois peoples, the Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks, a group of Native North Americans who shared similar languages, to accept The Great Peacemaker’s vision and band together to become the Five Nations of the Iroquois confederacy. While The Great Peacemaker was considered the man behind the ideas, Hiawatha was the one who actually implemented the reformation.

These two sought to bring about reforms which would end all strife, murder, and war, and promote peace and well-being among the tribes. One reform was the regulation to abolish intratribal blood-feud by fixing a price of 10 strings of wampum, a cubit in length, as the value of a human life. It was decreed that the murderer or his kin must offer to pay the bereaved family not only for the dead person, but also for the life of the murderer who by his sinister act had forfeited his life to them, and that therefore 20 strings of wampum should be the legal tender to the bereaved family for the settlement of the homicide of a co-tribesman.

By birth, Hiawatha was most likely a Mohawk, but he began his reform work among the Onondaga, where he encountered bitter opposition from one of their most remorseless tyrants, Wathatotarho (Atotarho). When his attempts at reform failed, Hiawatha left the Onondaga and sought the aid of the Mohawk and other tribes. But, meeting with little success among the former, he continued his mission to the Oneida, who accepted his plan provided that the Mohawk do the same.

The Mohawk, the Cayuga, and the Oneida finally formed a tentative union for the purpose of persuading the Onondaga to adopt the plan of confederation, and the latter accepted it on condition that the Seneca should also be included. A portion of the Seneca finally joined the confederation, and the Onondaga, through Wathatotarho, accepted the proposed union.

As the Onondaga chieftain was regarded as a great sorcerer, it was believed that he must have been overcome by a superior magic power exercised by Hiawatha and Dekanawida. In time, the character of Hiawatha became couched in mystery, and he was reputed to have done things which properly belong to some of the chief gods of the Iroquois. As a result, he became the central figure of a group of interrelated mythic legends.

In “The Song of Hiawatha”, a popular poem by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, the character of Hiawatha is actually drawn from the writings of Henry R. Schoolcraft, who had confused the real Hiawatha with a Chippewa deity. Longfellow’s version of events and character, therefore, in any way relates to the great Iroquois reformer. Unfortunately, there are no known images of Hiawatha.

Geronimo

Apache Indian (Goyathlay –1829-1909)

To other members of the Chiricahua (chair-i-cow-ah) Apache, Geronimo seemed to reflect all things they embraced as a people – courage, diligence and aggressiveness – qualities that for years kept them relatively safe from the increasing white encroachment in Arizona and New Mexico.

The Chircahuas were nomadic, following game and farming in the warmer months. But when times were tough and food was scarce raids on other tribes was the way of life, and considered honorable.

Geronimo was born Goyathlay (One Who Yawns) in Arizona, grandson of a chief of the Nedni Apache, but his father married a Bedonkohe Apache and joined her tribe, thereby forfeiting his hereditary right as leader. Therefore, contrary to popular ideas, Geronimo was never a chief. He was a dutiful follower of many great chiefs though, including Cochise and Coloradas.

While many Europeans were trickling into the area, the Spanish were already firmly in place for years. The whites were a problem, but it was Mexican soldiers who raided and killed Geronimo’s family – his mother, wife and three children. Prior to this event, Geronimo had been considered more a holy man than a warrior, but as a result of his loss he often spoke of his hatred for whites and coveted a vengeance that would bring him to kill as many as he could.

Geronimo’s “white name” came as a result of his fearless and resourceful as a warrior. While leading a charge against Mexicans they began to shout “Geronimo!” seeking help from their patron saint, Jerome, or Geronimo in Spanish. Emerging conqueror over the Mexicans, the warriors bestowed the name of Geronimo on their fearless leader. To this day the name remains a battle cry.

The army tried to place all the Chiricahua on reservation in 1876, but Geronimo fled to Mexico and escaped capture for a decade. While the press is accused of “making news” these days, so it was then. The press had Geronimo everywhere and doing everything, often at the same time.

The media image of Geronimo made him the most high-profile and feared of all the Apache. It wasn’t all myth however. His name was associated with terror in the Southwest and ultimately it took more than 5,000 soldiers and 500 scouts to track down Geronimo and his followers.

He finally surrendered after hearing his people were being sent East. He was the very last renegade Indian to surrender to white authority. Geronimo was sent to a reservation in Florida for two years, where many died of malaria or tuberculosis. Geronimo longed to return to his beloved Arizona, but that was not to be so. He was to make another stop in Alabama before finally being placed on a reservation in Oklahoma, which at least bore a climate more similar to that of the Southwest. It was here, at Fort Sill, that he spent the last 14 years of his life.

In his old age, Geronimo learned a little English and how to write his name. He became very enterprising in his ability to market himself and his legacy, selling buttons from his coat for a quarter apiece, his hat for five dollars or bows and arrows that he made. For 50 cents, he would sign his name. If asked he would show off his battle wounds with pride. He also made personal appearances at places like Oklahoma fairs, the Exposition in Omaha in 1898, the Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo in 1901, the St. Louis World’s Fair in 1904 and Teddy Roosevelt’s inaugural parade in 1905.

Despite making the rounds as an “attraction,” Geronimo was never allowed to return to Arizona. As an old man, he remained a crack shot, and he enjoyed good health well into his 80s. Geronimo also drank, sometimes to excess and this ultimately was his demise. On a cold night in February of 1909, drunk, he fell off his horse and lay undiscovered on the cold ground. This brought on pneumonia and he died a few days later.

Crazy Horse

Tashunca-uitco
Oglala Lakota (Sioux) — 1849-1877

While there have been many renowned leaders among the Lakota (Sioux), perhaps the most high-profile of them all is Crazy Horse. A fierce and fearless warrior, and considered a visionary by his people, Crazy Horse also wielded great power and influence in many social and political affairs that faced the Lakota. While his role in battle is often recounted, more important perhaps was his dedication to tradition and the Lakota way of life.

As a child, Crazy Horse looked little like the rest of his people. In fact, his hair was so light and wavy he was called “Curly” as a childhood name. Many a white settler who saw him playing along side the trail they traveled thought he was actually a white captive living among the Indians. An enigma then, Crazy Horse remained so. While other Lakota and their leaders sat for portraits, Crazy Horse never allowed a rendering of himself in any medium, especially photographs, saying: “Why would you wish to shorten my life by taking my shadow from me?”

While still a very young man, Crazy Horse began his journey toward becoming a legendary warrior. At 13 he stole horses from the Crow and led his first war party before the age of 20. Early on he decided he would fight to protect the Lakota way of life and encroachment of white armies and settlers, fighting against the new arrivals in Wyoming with Red Cloud in the 1865-68 war, playing a key role in destroying William J. Fetterman’s brigade at Fort Phil Kearny in 1867. That victory did not stop the influx, however, and the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868 opened the door of Lakota land to all that Crazy Horse fought to prevent. Undaunted, Crazy Horse led an attack on a surveying party sent into the Black Hills by General George Armstrong Custer in 1873.

When the U.S. War Department ordered all Lakota bands onto reservations in 1876, Crazy Horse took it upon himself to lead the resistance. Crazy Horse had taken a Cheyenne woman as his first wife, which allowed a close alliance between the Lakota and Cheyenne. Crazy Horse called upon his Cheyenne relatives to join forces with his Oglala warriors in an attempt to keep General George Crook from following the Rosebud Creek to Sitting Bull’s camp on the Little Big Horn River. Crazy Horse and his band of 1,200 warriors turned Crook and his men back on June 17, 1876. This victory paved the way for hope. A week later Crazy Horse joined forces with Sitting Bull and Hunkpapa Lakota leader Gall in an attack that destroyed Custer’s Seventh Cavalry.

Despite the Indian victory at the Little Bighorn, things changed. Though all three leaders chose not to submit to government orders to report to the reservation, Sitting Bull and Gall decided to lead their people to Canada. Crazy Horse chose to remain in the sacred lands of the Lakota. General Nelson Miles pursued Crazy Horse, the Lakota and their allies relentlessly throughout the winter of 1876-77, bringing Crazy Horse into battle several times. Eventually, the intense focus of the military on his position and intent, coupled with the decline of the buffalo population, led Crazy Horse to surrender on May 6, 1877.

Even in defeat, Crazy Horse remained a free spirit. On September 5, 1877, he left the reservation without authorization to take his sick wife to her parents. General George Crook, whom Crazy Horse had defeated a year earlier, ordered 43 men to go and arrest him, fearing that he was plotting an outbreak and return to battle. Crazy Horse did not resist arrest at first, but when he realized that he was being led to a guardhouse, he began to struggle. For the entirety of his life, Crazy Horse had abhorred gunfire and believed he could not be killed by bullets, and this belief held firm in the end for once he began to struggle, his arms were held by one of the arresting officers and a soldier ran him through with a bayonet.

He was secretly buried by his parents somewhere in the hills in the vicinity of where he was camped when he was arrested. The location has been known to very few over the years and remains a secret today.

Cochise

Birthdate unknown – 1874

Drive south down Highway 666 through the farmlands of Arizona and watch as the Dragoon Mountains rise in a prime example of “purple mountains majesty.” It was among the canyons and rises of these mountains that Cochise, leader of a band of Chiricahua Apache, and his people were able to elude the countless government forces sent to corral them. The area became known as the Cochise Stronghold, and still bears that name today and while the land once sheltered the Chiricahua it still shelters Cochise as the site of his tomb.

The Apache were known as fierce warriors, resistant to government efforts to settle their lands and place them on a reservation. The few thousand whites in the area felt threatened and routinely responded to encountering an Apache village with violence. Retaliation by the Apache always followed close behind any white act. Cochise was no exception, however he also was no fool. He realized it was fruitless to continue to resist the western movement of the whites along the Overland Trail, and actually entered into an “agreement” with the staff of the Butterfield Stage Line. It was “understood” that Cochise could raid or attack anything he chose south of the Mexican border to secure what he needed but would leave the stage line alone.

This situation fell apart in 1860, when a band of Pinal Indians raided the area and abducted a young boy. Despite the arguments of the stage line personnel, a young army officer sent to retrieve the child was convinced it was Cochise and the Apache behind the attack. Hearing this, Cochise came forward under a flag of truce when summoned by the army to declare his innocence. The army chose not to believe him and tried to place him under arrest. Cochise pulled his knife, slashed the wall of the tent in which the meeting was being held and escaped into the brush. The six men who had accompanied him, including three relatives, were held and then hanged.

This act erased any sense of fairness in Cochise’s mind and negated the arrangement he had made with the stage line. Reports list 150 white travelers along the Overland Trail killed within the 60 days following the attempted arrest of Cochise and murder of the six Chiricahua men. For more than 10 years Cochise and his small band staved off the army waging war throughout southern Arizona, an area that became the most dangerous corner of the entire country. Tucson, the largest white settlement in the area, was virtually cut off during portions of this was, as Cochise let nothing go through Apache Pass.

After a decade of struggle, both sides were weary. In 1872 Tom Jeffords, owner of a small stage line through the area, a trusted friend of Cochise and the only white man with access to him arranged for Cochise to surrender to General O.O. Howard. Jeffords knew Cochise would respect Howard, as he had been head of the Freedman’s Bureau, the agency responsible for assisting freed black slaves. (Howard University is named for the general.) Cochise was literally able to dictate his own terms of surrender, one of which was that Jeffords be named Indian agent.

The remote White Mountains had been chose as the Apache reservation because they were distant from white settlements and transportation routes but still held decent grazing lands for Apache herders. Cochise refused to settle there however, remaining at Camp Bowie. By the time he surrendered he was in his 50s and had been at war constantly for 12 years. He became ill and died just two years later, in 1874. His body remained in the Stronghold. Chiricahua warriors rode their horses back and forth across the burial site until no evidence of its location would remain. It was always believed that Jeffords knew, but he never told, perhaps eliminating the belief Jeffords was a friend of Cochise because he supplied the Apache with weapons and fortifying the belief that their friendship existed because Cochise considered Jeffords an honorable man.

Chief Joseph

Hin-mah-too-yah-lat-kekt (1840-1904) — Nez Perce Indian


He ultimately became famous as “Chief Joseph,” but the man born in the Wallowa Valley in what is now northeastern Oregon was also called Joseph and Joseph the Younger, as his father had been baptized with that Christian name before Chief Joseph was born. However, at the time of his birth in 1840, the Nez Perce (nay pehr-SAY) called Chief Joseph, Hin-mah-too-yah-lat-kekt, which translates as “thunder coming up over the land from the water” or “thunder coming down the mountain.”

As a tribe, the Nez Perce had been on good terms with white Europeans after Lewis and Clark opened their lands in Idaho and Washington to exploration. Chief Joseph’s father, Old Joseph, signed an 1855 treaty that guaranteed the Nez Perce the rights to their homelands, and, as Old Joseph also converted to Christianity, Chief Joseph attended school in a Christian mission.

But after a gold rush that identified Nez Perce lands as prime mining territory, the white government created a second treaty in 1863 that took most of their traditional lands away,almost six million acres, including their beloved Wallowa Valley. The government then restricted the Nez Perce to a reservation in Idaho that was only one tenth its prior size. Old Joseph always insisted his people never agreed to any conditions of this treaty and turned away from cooperation with whites, refusing to acknowledge and sign the treaty, burning his American flag and Bible and refusing to move his people.

Upon his father’s death in 1871, Chief Joseph took his place as chief and his own strong feelings about the validity of the second treaty would shape his life and change the interaction between the Nez Perce and whites forever. He became highly resistant to government attempts to corral his people onto the reservation even as white settlers streamed into the territory.

Chief Joseph got a brief reprieve in 1873, when a federal order was issued to remove white settlers and let the Nez Perce remain in the Wallowa Valley making it appear that he might be successful. But the federal government soon reversed itself, and in 1877 General Oliver Otis Howard threatened a cavalry attack to force Joseph’s band and other hold-outs onto the reservation. Believing military resistance futile, Joseph reluctantly led his people toward Idaho. Unfortunately, they never got there. About twenty young Nez Perce warriors, enraged at the loss of their homeland, staged a raid on nearby settlements and killed several whites. Immediately, the army began to pursue Joseph’s band and the others who had not moved onto the reservation. Although he had opposed war, Joseph cast his lot with the war leaders. In over three months, the band of about 700, fewer than 200 of whom were warriors, fought 2,000 U.S. soldiers and Indian auxiliaries in four major battles and numerous skirmishes.

By the time he formally surrendered on October 5, 1877, Joseph was widely referred to in the American press as “the Red Napoleon.” But Chief Joseph was really a strategist and was never considered a “war chief” by his people. His younger brother Olikut generally led the war parties of his band, while Joseph remained behind, responsible for guarding the women and camp. Joseph opposed the decision to flee into Montana and seek aid from the Crows and that other chiefs — Looking Glass and some who had been killed before the surrender — were the true strategists of the campaign.

It was his widely reprinted surrender speech has immortalized him as a military leader in American popular culture: “I am tired of fighting. Our chiefs are killed. Looking Glass is dead. Toohoolhoolzote is dead. The old men are all dead. It is the young men who say, “Yes” or “No.” He who led the young men [Olikut] is dead. It is cold, and we have no blankets. The little children are freezing to death. My people, some of them, have run away to the hills, and have no blankets, no food. No one knows where they are — perhaps freezing to death. I want to have time to look for my children, and see how many of them I can find. Maybe I shall find them among the dead. Hear me, my chiefs! I am tired. My heart is sick and sad. From where the sun now stands I will fight no more forever.”

Although he had surrendered with the understanding that he would be allowed to return home, Joseph and his people were instead taken first to eastern Kansas and then to a reservation in Indian Territory (present-day Oklahoma). Once there, many died of malaria or starvation. And although he was allowed to visit Washington, D.C., in 1879 to plead his case to U.S. President Rutherford B. Hayes, it was not until 1885 that Joseph and the other refugees were returned to the Pacific Northwest. Even then, half, including Joseph, were taken to a non-Nez Percé reservation in northern Washington, separated from the rest of their people in Idaho and their homeland in the Wallowa Valley.

An eloquent speaker, Chief Joseph continued to appeal to government officials in attempts to return his people to their homelands. He never gave up hope that one day the principles of American equality and justice would one day extend to native peoples as well. He did not live to see it. He died in 1904, still in exile from his homeland, according to his doctor “of a broken heart.”

Black Kettle

Cheyenne Indian (unknown – 1868)


Southern Cheyenne chief Black Kettle was best known for his repeated efforts to secure a peace with honor for his people despite broken promises and attacks on his own life. He is spoken of as a great leader who believed in the possiblity for coexistence between white society and Indian culture.

Black Kettle lived on the vast territory in western Kansas and eastern Colorado that had been guaranteed to the Cheyenne under the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1851. Within less than a decade, however, the 1859 Pikes Peak gold rush sparked an enormous population boom in Colorado, and this led to extensive white encroachments on Cheyenne land. Even the U.S. Indian Commissioner admitted that “We have substantially taken possession of the country and deprived the Indians of their accustomed means of support.”

Rather than evict white settlers, the government sought to resolve the situation by demanding that the Southern Cheyenne sign a new treaty ceding all their lands save the small Sand Creek reservation in southeastern Colorado. Black Kettle, fearing that overwhelming U.S. military power might result in an even less favorable settlement, agreed to the treaty in 1861 and did what he could to see that the Cheyenne obeyed its provisions.

As it turned out, however, the Sand Creek reservation could not sustain the Indians forced to live there. All but unfit for agriculture, the barren tract of land was little more than a breeding ground for epidemic diseases which soon swept through the Cheyenne encampments. By 1862 the nearest herd of buffalo was over two hundred miles away. Many Cheyennes, especially young men, began to leave the reservation to prey upon the livestock and goods of nearby settlers and passing wagon trains. One such raid in the spring of 1864 so angered white Coloradans that they dispatched their militia, which opened fire on the first band of Cheyenne they happened to meet. None of the Indians in this band had participated in the raid, however, and their leader was actually approaching the militia for a parlay when the shooting began.

This incident touched off an uncoordinated Indian uprising across the Great Plains, as Indian peoples from the Comanche in the South to the Lakota in the North took advantage of the army’s involvement in the Civil War by striking back at those who had encroached upon their lands. Black Kettle, however, understood white military supremacy too well to support the cause of war. He spoke with the local military commander at Fort Weld in Colorado and believed he had secured a promise of safety in exchange for leading his band back to the Sand Creek reservation.

But Colonel John Chivington, leader of the Third Colorado Volunteers, had no intention of honoring such a promise. His troops had been unsuccessful in finding a Cheyenne band to fight, so when he learned that Black Kettle had returned to Sand Creek, he attacked the unsuspecting encampment at dawn on November 29, 1864. Some two hundred Cheyenne died in the ensuing massacre, many of them women and children, and after the slaughter, Chivington’s men sexually mutilated and scalped many of the dead, later exhibiting their trophies to cheering crowds in Denver.

Black Kettle miraculously escaped harm at the Sand Creek Massacre, even when he returned to rescue his seriously injured wife. And perhaps more miraculously, he continued to counsel peace when the Cheyenne attempted to strike back with isolated raids on wagon trains and nearby ranches. By October 1865, he and other Indian leaders had arranged an uneasy truce on the plains, signing a new treaty that exchanged the Sand Creek reservation for reservations in southwestern Kansas but deprived the Cheyenne of access to most of their coveted Kansas hunting grounds.

Only part of the Southern Cheyenne nation followed Black Kettle and the others to these new reservations. Some instead headed north to join the Northern Cheyenne in Lakota territory. Many simply ignored the treaty and continued to range over their ancestral lands. This latter group, consisting mainly of young warriors allied with a Cheyenne war chief named Roman Nose, angered the government by their refusal to obey a treaty they had not signed, and General William Tecumseh Sherman launched a campaign to force them onto their assigned lands. Roman Nose and his followers struck back furiously, and the resulting standoff halted all traffic across western Kansas for a time.

At this point, government negotiators sought to move the Cheyenne once again, this time onto two smaller reservations in Indian Territory (present-day Oklahoma) where they would receive annual provisions of food and supplies. Black Kettle was again among the chiefs who signed this treaty, the Medicine Lodge Treaty of 1867, but after his people had settled on their new reservation, they did not receive the provisions they had been promised, and by year’s end, more and more of them were driven to join Roman Nose and his band.

In August 1868, Roman Nose led a series of raids on Kansas farms that provoked another full-scale military response. Under General Philip Sheridan, three columns of troops converged to launch a winter campaign against Cheyenne encampments, with the Seventh Cavalry commanded by George Armstrong Custer selected to take the lead. Setting out in a snowstorm, Custer followed the tracks of a small raiding party to a Cheyenne village on the Washita River, where he ordered an attack at dawn.

It was Black Kettle’s village, well within the boundaries of the Cheyenne reservation and with a white flag flying above the chief’s own tipi. Nonetheless, on November 27, 1868, nearly four years to the day after Sand Creek, Custer’s troops charged, and this time Black Kettle could not escape: “Both the chief and his wife fell at the river bank riddled with bullets,” one witness reported, “the soldiers rode right over Black Kettle and his wife and their horse as they lay dead on the ground, and their bodies were all splashed with mud by the charging soldiers.” Custer later reported that an Osage guide took Black Kettle’s scalp.

On the Washita, the Cheyenne’s hopes of sustaining themselves as an independent people died as well; by 1869, they had been driven from the plains and confined to reservations. (bio courtesy of pbs)

Black Hawk

Saux Indian (1767-1838)


In 1804, representatives of the Saux and Fox tribes were called to St. Louis where federal agents secured an agreement to a treaty ceding all tribal lands east of the Mississippi. The tribal leaders had been deceived through trickery, bibery or even threats into signing a treaty that they didn’t understand . The tribes were then forced out of their homes, to the other side of the river where they lived a meager existence for three years.

In the Spring of 1831, a 50-year old warrior named Black Hawk led his people back across the river to their village of Saukenuk to plant crops. He was appalled at what he found there. Whites had moved into the abandoned Sauk lodges and had fenced in the cornfields and were plowing right up to his ancestor’s graves. “My reason tells me that land cannot be sold – nothing can be sold but such things as can be carried away.” – Black Hawk.

With that, Black Hawk and 300 of his warriors settled in for the summer, refusing to budge. A year later his band was 600 strong and the federal government took notice of his brazen defiance by sending out a large militia force. The militia arrived in May of 1832 and Black Hawk tried to settle the matter peacefully, under a flag of truce. Jittery militiamen opened fire and this started the Black Hawk war.

In the first skirmish, 40 Sauk warriors repelled 275 militiamen. Over the next three months, Black Hawk had several thousand federal and state troops to contend with. The forces chased Black Hawk and his people north across Illinois and Wisconsin. Whites fell ill with cholera and the Sauk, traveling with women and children, with little time to hunt, suffered starvation and fatigue.

In August, Black Hawk and his people arrived at the Bad Axe River in Wisconsin where they hoped to build canoes and rafts and float downstream to the Mississippi River and then on to safety. The next day, they were met with a U.S. gunship filled with troops. And again, Black Hawk raised his flag of truce. He was immediately fired upon and 23 of his men fell dead. The following morning, 1,300 troops swept through the Indian encampment, firing wildly at men, women and children. As many as 300 Sauk were killed. Black Hawk led the survivors north to seek refuge with the Winnebago who later betrayed him to white authorities for $100 and 20 horses.

“You have taken me prisoner with all my warriors. I am much grieved…I expected to hold out much longer and give you more trouble before I surrendered. Black Hawk is now a prisoner of the white man. But he can stand torture, and he is not afraid of death. He is no coward. Black Hawk is an Indian.” – Black Hawk.

Black Hawk died in 1838 and his remains were eventually placed in the Burlington Historical Society in Illinois. But the building burned down in 1855 and his remains were forever lost.